The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/
In espionage parlance, a cutout is a mutually trusted intermediary, method or channel of communication that facilitates the exchange of information between agents. Cutouts usually know only the source and destination of the information to be transmitted, not the identities of any other persons involved in the espionage process (need to know basis). Thus, a captured cutout cannot be used to identify members of an espionage cell. The cutout also isolates the source from the destination, so neither necessarily knows the other.
Outside espionage
Some computer protocols, like Tor, use the equivalent of cutout nodes in their communications networks. The use of multiple layers of encryption usually stops nodes on such networks from knowing the ultimate sender or receiver of the data.
In computer networking, darknets have some cutout functionality. Darknets are distinct from other distributed peer-to-peer (P2P) networks, as sharing is anonymous, i.e., IP addresses are not publicly shared and nodes often forward traffic to other nodes. Thus, with a darknet, users can communicate with little fear of governmental or corporate interference.[1] Darknets are thus often associated with dissident political communications as well as various illegal activities.
A dead drop or dead letter box is a method of espionage tradecraft used to pass items or information between two individuals (e.g., a case officer and an agent, or two agents) using a secret location. By avoiding direct meetings, individuals can maintain operational security. This method stands in contrast to the live drop, so-called because two persons meet to exchange items or information.
Spies and their handlers have been known to perform dead drops using various techniques to hide items (such as money, secrets or instructions) and to signal that the drop has been made. Although the signal and location by necessity must be agreed upon in advance, the signal may or may not be located close to the dead drop itself. The operatives may not necessarily know one another or ever meet.[1][2]
Considerations
The location and nature of the dead drop must enable retrieval of the hidden item without the operatives being spotted by a member of the public, the police, or other security forces—therefore, common everyday items and behavior are used to avoid arousing suspicion. Any hidden location could serve, although often a cut-out device is used, such as a loose brick in a wall, a (cut-out) library book, or a hole in a tree.
Dead drop spike
A dead drop spike is a concealment device similar to a microcache. It has been used since the late 1960s to hide money, maps, documents, microfilm, and other items. The spike is water- and mildew-proof and can be pushed into the ground or placed in a shallow stream to be retrieved at a later time.
Signaling devices can include a chalk mark on a wall, a piece of chewing gum on a lamppost, or a newspaper left on a park bench. Alternatively, the signal can be made from inside the agent's own home, by, for example, hanging a distinctively-colored towel from a balcony, or placing a potted plant on a window sill where it is visible to anyone on the street.
Drawbacks
While the dead drop method is useful in preventing the instantaneous capture of either an operative/handler pair or an entire espionage network, it is not without disadvantages. If one of the operatives is compromised, they may reveal the location and signal for that specific dead drop. Counterintelligence can then use the dead drop as a double agent for a variety of purposes, such as to feed misinformation to the enemy or to identify other operatives using it or ultimately to booby trap it.[3] There is also the risk that a third party may find the material deposited.
Modern techniques
See also: Short-range agent communications
On January 23, 2006, the Russian FSB accused Britain of using wireless dead drops concealed inside hollowed-out rocks ("spy rock") to collect espionage information from agents in Russia. According to the Russian authorities, the agent delivering information would approach the rock and transmit data wirelessly into it from a hand-held device, and later, his British handlers would pick up the stored data by similar means.[4]
SecureDrop, initially called DeadDrop, is a software suite for teams that allows them to create a digital dead drop location to receive tips from whistleblowers through the Internet. The team members and whistleblowers never communicate directly and never know each other's identity, therefore allowing whistleblowers to dead-drop information despite the mass surveillance and privacy violations which had become commonplace in the beginning of the twenty-first century.
See also
Espionage
Foldering
PirateBox
USB dead drop
References
Robert Wallace and H. Keith Melton, with Henry R. Schlesinger, Spycraft: The Secret History of the CIA's Spytechs, from Communism to al-Qaeda, New York, Dutton, 2008. ISBN 0-525-94980-1. Pp. 43-44, 63, and 74-76.
Jack Barth, International Spy Museum Handbook of Practical Spying, Washington DC, National Geographic, 2004. ISBN 978-0-7922-6795-9. Pp. 119-125.
Wettering, Frederick L. (2001-07-01). "The Internet and the Spy Business". International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence. 14 (3): 342–365. doi:10.1080/08850600152386846. ISSN 0885-0607. S2CID 153870872.
Nick Paton Walsh, The Guardian (23 January 2006). "Moscow names British 'spies' in NGO row". TheGuardian.com. Archived from the original on 29 August 2013. Retrieved 8 April 2012.
Bibliography
"Russians accuse 4 Britons of spying".International Herald Tribune. January 24, 2006. News report on Russian discovery of British "wireless dead drop".
"Old spying lives on in new ways". BBC. 23 January 2006.
Madrid suspects tied to e-mail ruse. International Herald Tribune. April 28, 2006.
Military secrets missing on Ministry of Defence computer files
Robert Burnson, "Accused Chinese spy pleads guilty in U.S. 'dead-drop' sting", Bloomberg, 25 novembre 2019[1].
Robert Wallace and H. Keith Melton, with Henry R. Schlesinger, Spycraft: The Secret History of the CIA's Spytechs, from Communism to al-Qaeda, New York, Dutton, 2008. ISBN 0-525-94980-1.
The hidden history of the United States: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/
In the conclusive chapter of this revealing series, we delve deeper into the mechanisms of elite control within the economic framework. Discover the intricacies of how stock ownership and shared directorates create an interconnected web, particularly among ruling class banks and insurance companies, solidifying their dominance.
Explore a comprehensive assessment of wealth and income distribution in the nation, shedding light on the disparities that underscore the power dynamics. Unveil the role and significance of mass media within this structure, highlighting how elite-controlled media operate as a critical component of the system of control.
Delve into the nuanced examination of election control and gain insights from a review of "Trading with the Enemy." Witness a thought-provoking segment from "America/from Hitler to MX," exposing the paradoxical involvement of American economic institutions aiding Axis powers during World War II while the US was engaged in combat against them.
As the finale approaches, witness a concise exploration into actionable steps toward fostering genuine democracy within the United States. Join us in this thought-provoking conclusion as we ponder the pathways to a more equitable and democratic future.
The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/
Louis Patrick Gray III (July 18, 1916 – July 6, 2005) was acting director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) from May 3, 1972, to April 27, 1973. During this time, the FBI was in charge of the initial investigation into the burglaries that sparked the Watergate scandal, which eventually led to the resignation of President Nixon. Gray was nominated as permanent Director by Nixon on February 15, 1973, but failed to win Senate confirmation.[3] He resigned as Acting FBI director on April 27, 1973, after he admitted to destroying documents that had come from convicted Watergate conspirator E. Howard Hunt's safe—documents received on June 28, 1972, 11 days after the Watergate burglary, and given to Gray by White House counsel John Dean.[4]
Gray remained publicly silent about the Watergate scandal for 32 years, speaking to the press only once, near the end of his life; this was shortly after Gray's direct subordinate at the FBI, FBI Deputy Director Mark Felt, revealed himself to have been the secret source to The Washington Post known as "Deep Throat".
Early life and education
Gray was born on July 18, 1916, in St. Louis, Missouri, the eldest son of Louis Patrick Gray Jr., a Texas railroad worker. He worked three jobs while attending schools in St. Louis and Houston, Texas, graduating from St. Thomas High School in 1932, at the age of 16 (having skipped two grades). Gray initially attended Rice University; however, his true goal was to be admitted to the United States Naval Academy. He was finally admitted to the Naval Academy in 1936 and he immediately dropped out of Rice University in his senior year so he could attend.
At the time, however, Gray could not afford the bus or train fare to Annapolis, so he hired on as an apprentice seaman on a tramp steamer out of Galveston. During the journey to Philadelphia (the closest the steamer could get him to Maryland), Gray taught calculus to the ship's captain, a Bulgarian named Frank Solis, in return for basic lessons in navigation. Once in Philadelphia, Gray hitchhiked to Annapolis.[5]
Once at the academy, Gray walked onto the football team as the starting quarterback, played varsity lacrosse and boxed as a light heavyweight. In 1940, Gray received a Bachelor of Science degree from the Naval Academy.
Naval career
The United States Navy commissioned Gray as a line officer, and he served through five submarine war patrols in the Pacific Ocean theater of World War II. He suffered a ruptured appendix at the start of his sixth patrol and was unable to get to a hospital for 17 days, an ordeal that should have killed him.[6] In 1945, Gray visited Beatrice Castle Kirk (1923–2019), the widow of his Naval Academy classmate, Lieutenant Commander Edward Emmet DeGarmo (1917–1945). They were married in 1946. He adopted her two sons, Alan and Ed; and they had two of their own, Patrick and Stephen.[6]
In 1949, Gray received a Juris Doctor degree from George Washington University Law School, where he edited the law review and became a member of the Order of the Coif. He was admitted to practice before the Washington, D.C., Bar in 1949; later, he was admitted to practice law by the Connecticut State Bar, the United States Court of Appeals for the Armed Forces, the United States courts of appeals, the United States Court of Claims, and the Supreme Court of the United States.[7]
By 1960, Gray's achievements in the Navy included commanding the U.S.S. Tiru (SS-416) and two other submarines on war patrols during the Korean War; earning the rank of captain two years before he was legally allowed to be paid for it; and serving as congressional liaison officer for the United States Secretary of Defense, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the Chief of Naval Operations. He indicated his desire to retire from the Navy, but Chief of Naval Operations Arleigh Burke told him, "If you stay, you'll have my job some day."[6] He did not stay, but joined a Connecticut law firm in 1961.
Department of Justice
In 1969, Gray returned to the federal government and worked under the Nixon administration in several different positions. In 1970, President Nixon appointed him as Assistant Attorney General for the Civil Division in the Department of Justice. In 1972, Gray was nominated to be Deputy Attorney General, but before he could be confirmed by the full United States Senate his nomination was withdrawn.
Acting Director of FBI
Instead, President Nixon designated him as Acting Director of the FBI after the death of J. Edgar Hoover. Gray served for less than a year. Day-to-day operational command of the Bureau remained with Associate Director Mark Felt.
Watergate involvement
Watergate scandal
The Watergate complex in 2006
Events
List
People
Watergate burglars
Groups
CRP
White House
Judiciary
Journalists
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Mark Felt ("Deep Throat") L. Patrick Gray Richard Helms James R. Schlesinger
Congress
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Watergate and the FBI's investigation
On June 17, 1972, just six weeks after Gray took office at the FBI, five men were arrested after breaking into the Democratic National Committee headquarters at the Watergate hotel complex in Washington, D.C.
Gray first learned of the Watergate break-ins on June 17 from Wes Grapp, the Special Agent in Charge of the Los Angeles field office. Gray immediately called Mark Felt, his second in command. At the time, Felt only had limited information, remaining unclear as to whether it was a burglary or bombing attempt.[8]
Felt had more information the next day, when he informed Gray that the burglars had connections to the Committee for the Re-Election of the President (CRP), that one burglar (McCord) was head of security for the committee, and that at least one listening device had been found. Gray recalled the conversation concluding with the exchange:
"Are you absolutely certain that we have jurisdiction?" I asked.
"I'm sure of it," he [Felt] answered.
"Just check it and be absolutely certain," I ordered. "And then investigate it to the hilt with no holds barred."[9]
On the same day, June 18, 1972, Gray also met later-identified Watergate conspirator Fred LaRue in California. The two discussed Watergate, according to LaRue, and made arrangements to meet again back in Washington, D.C.[10] In his own memoir, Gray relates the LaRue meeting as a chance encounter at a hotel swimming pool and quotes their entire Watergate-related conversation:
"The Watergate thing is a hell of a thing," he said.
"You bet it is, Fred," I answered. "We're going to investigate the hell out of it."
That was all either of us said about it.[11]
For the first six months of the investigation, Gray remained heavily involved. It was only when it became apparent that the White House was involved that Gray recused himself from the investigation and handed control over to Mark Felt.[12]
Cover-up
On June 23, 1972, White House Chief of Staff Bob Haldeman and President Nixon held one of the infamous "smoking gun" conversations in which they conspired to use the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) to block the FBI investigation into the money trail leading from the Watergate burglars to the Committee to Re-elect the President, which would constitute hard evidence that Committee members were involved in the planning of the burglaries.
According to Gray, this plan was first put into action when he had a meeting with Vernon Walters, then deputy director of the CIA, in which he quotes Walters as falsely saying, "If the investigation gets pushed further south of the border… it could trespass onto some of our covert projects. Since you've got these five men under arrest, it will be best to taper the matter off here." This conversation implicitly stated that the FBI should not interview Manuel Ogarrio and Kenneth Dahlberg, individuals connected with the money used to fund the Watergate burglars.[13]
This would later be backed up by the Director of the CIA, Richard Helms, when he specifically told Gray that Karl Wagner and John Caswell should also not be interviewed, as they were, he stated, active CIA agents at the time.[14]
The basis for such a request came from a long-standing understanding between the CIA and the FBI that they would not reveal each other's informants. This effort by the White House and the CIA succeeded in delaying the interviews of both Ogarrio and Dahlberg for a little more than one week, at which point Gray and his senior FBI staff, including Mark Felt, Charlie Bates, and Bob Kunkel, decided that, due to the increasing importance of these individuals in the investigation, they needed a written request from the CIA not to interview them, which would have to state in greater detail the reasons for not interviewing these individuals. Once the decision was made, Gray called Vernon Walters and demanded that written request the next morning, or he would order the interviews to go forth.[15]
The next morning, Vernon Walters arrived and delivered a three-page memorandum, marked "SECRET", that did not ask the FBI to hold off on the interviews. The meeting concluded with Walters suggesting to Gray that he should warn the President that some members of the White House staff were hindering the FBI's investigation. After the conversation, Gray ordered the interviews to proceed immediately.[16]
Ultimately, the CIA cover-up delayed the FBI investigation no more than two weeks.
While not active in any Watergate activities per se, Gray was aware through his dealings with John Dean that the White House was concerned about what might be discovered from a full-field FBI investigation and explored what he could do to limit the investigation or shift it away from the Bureau's jurisdiction.[17] As Dean wrote in his Watergate memoir "Blind Ambition," he used Gray as a shill knowing that "we could count on Pat Gray to keep the Hunt material from becoming public, and he did not disappoint us."[18] In fact, even though he thought of this as a political not criminal situation and that he was ultimately serving the President as the "nation's chief law enforcement officer," Gray would come dangerously close to collusion because he chose to be useful to the White House without asking the hard questions. Dean goes on to say, "I met Pat Gray secretly at his home in southwest Washington. We were both apprehensive about the meeting as we walked to a park and sat down on a bench overlooking the Potomac, discussing my request to obtain FBI 302s and AirTels on the Watergate investigation."[18]
Felt and the search for the source
The Nixon White House tapes reveal that Bob Haldeman told Nixon that Felt was the source of leaks of confidential information contained in the FBI's investigation to various members of the press, including Bob Woodward of The Washington Post. Gray claimed that he resisted five separate demands from the White House to fire Felt, stating that he believed Felt's assurances that he was not the source. Eventually, Gray demanded to know who was claiming Felt to be leaking. Attorney general Richard Kleindienst told Gray that Roswell Gilpatric, former deputy secretary of defense under John F. Kennedy and now outside general counsel to Time, had told John Mitchell that Felt was leaking to Sandy Smith of Time magazine.[19][20]
After Felt admitted in the May 2005 Vanity Fair article that he lied to Gray about leaking to the press, Gray claimed that Felt's bitterness at being passed over was the cause of his decision to leak to Time, The Washington Post, and others.[21]
Confirmation hearings
In 1973, Gray was nominated as Hoover's permanent successor as head of the FBI. This action by President Nixon confounded many, coming at a time when revelations of involvement by Nixon administration officials in the Watergate scandal were coming to the forefront. Under Gray's direction, the FBI had been accused of mishandling the investigation into the break-in, doing a cursory job and refusing to investigate the possible involvement of administration officials. Gray's Senate confirmation hearing was to become the Senate's first opportunity to ask pertinent questions about the Watergate investigation.
During the confirmation hearing, Gray defended his bureau's investigation. During questioning, he volunteered that he had provided copies of some of the files on the investigation to White House Counsel John Dean, who had told Gray he was conducting an investigation for the President.[22] Gray testified that before turning over the files to Dean, he had been advised by the FBI's own legal counsel that he was required by law to comply with Dean's order. He confirmed that the FBI investigation supported claims made by The Washington Post and other sources, about dirty tricks committed and funded by the Committee to Re-Elect the President, and in particular, activities of questionable legality committed by Donald Segretti. The White House had for months steadfastly denied any involvement in such activities.
During the hearings, Gray testified that Dean had "probably lied" to the FBI,[23] increasing the suspicions of many of a cover-up. The Nixon administration was so angered by this statement that John Ehrlichman told John Dean that Gray should be left to "twist slowly, slowly in the wind."
Destruction of documents and resignation from the FBI
On June 21, 1972, Gray met with John Dean and John Ehrlichman in Ehrlichman's office. During this meeting, Gray was handed several envelopes full of documents from the personal safe of E. Howard Hunt. Dean instructed Gray, in the presence of John Ehrlichman, that the documents were "national security documents. These should never see the light of day."[24] Dean further repeatedly told Gray that the documents were not Watergate-related.
Six months later, Gray said he finally looked at the papers as he burned them in a Connecticut fireplace. "The first set of papers in there were false top-secret cables indicating that the Kennedy administration had much to do with the assassination of the Vietnamese president (Diem)," Gray said. "The second set of papers in there were letters purportedly written by Senator Kennedy involving some of his peccadilloes, if you will."[4]
After learning from Ehrlichman that John Dean was cooperating with the U.S. attorney and would be revealing to him what happened on June 21, Gray told his staunchest congressional supporter, Senator Lowell Weicker, so that he might be prepared for that revelation. As a result, Senator Weicker leaked this revelation to some chosen reporters.[25]
Following this revelation, Gray was forced to resign from the FBI on April 27, 1973.[26]
Legal struggles
For the next eight years, Gray defended his actions as Acting Director of the FBI, testifying before five federal grand juries and four committees of Congress.[27]
On October 7, 1975, the Watergate Special Prosecutor informed Gray that the last Watergate-related investigation of him had been formally closed.[28] Gray was never indicted in relation to Watergate, but the scandal dogged him afterwards.
In 1978, Gray was indicted, along with Assistant Director Edward Miller, for allegedly having approved illegal break-ins during the Nixon administration. Gray vehemently denied the charges, which were dropped in 1980. Felt and Miller, who had approved the illegal break-ins during the tenures of four separate FBI directors, including Hoover, Gray, William Ruckelshaus, and Clarence M. Kelley, were convicted and later pardoned by President Ronald Reagan. Exonerated by the Department of Justice after a two-year investigation,[29][30][31] Gray returned to his law practice in Connecticut.
Later life
After his time in Washington, Gray returned to practicing law at the firm of Suisman, Shapiro, Wool, Brennan, Gray & Greenberg (SSWBGG) in New London, Connecticut.[32]
In a 2005 Vanity Fair article,[33] Deputy Director Mark Felt claimed to be Deep Throat, the infamous source of leaks to Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein.[34] Woodward, Bernstein, and Post executive editor Benjamin C. Bradlee confirmed the claim.[35][36] Gray spoke about the Watergate scandal for the first time in 32 years on June 26, 2005, ten days before his death from pancreatic cancer. He told ABC's This Week that he was in "total shock, total disbelief" when asked about Felt's claim. "It was like I was hit with a tremendous sledgehammer."[37]
Gray died on July 6, 2005.[38] He was working on his memoirs with his stepson Edward Gray, using his extensive and never-released personal Watergate files. His stepson finished the book In Nixon's Web: A Year in the Crosshairs of Watergate,[39] which disputes the claim that Felt was Deep Throat, citing Woodward's own notes and other evidence as proof that Deep Throat was a fictional composite made up of several Woodward sources, only one of whom was Felt.[40]
Gray and the New York Times
In 2009, Bob Phelps, a former editor of The New York Times, and Robert M. Smith, a former reporter for the Times, claimed that they had received information from Gray that would have allowed the Times to break the Watergate story before The Washington Post, but they failed to act upon it.[41]
In August 1972, Gray and Smith had lunch. According to Smith, during this lunch Gray mentioned details of Donald Segretti and John Mitchell's involvement in the Watergate burglaries. Smith quotes Gray:
"[Gray] told me about a guy who burned his palm, and about Donald Segretti (by name).
And when he intimated over the entrée that the wrongdoing went further, I leaned back against the wall on my inside banquette and looked at him in frank astonishment.
"The attorney general?" I asked.
He nodded.
I paused.
"The president?" I asked.
He looked me in the eye without denial—or any comment. In other words, confirmation.[42]
After the lunch, Smith reportedly rushed to his editor, Phelps, with the story, but it amounted to nothing. Smith left his job the next day for Yale Law School, and Phelps lost track of the story while covering the 1972 Republican Convention.
However, while only Gray and Smith knew exactly what was said at that lunch, Gray's son, Edward, denies that his father could have implicated either the Attorney General or the President, stating:
The truth is that at the time of this luncheon—as my father testified multiple times under oath—neither he nor anyone else in the FBI had any evidence whatsoever that the president was involved.[43]
Gray goes on to point out that at the time of this lunch the Attorney General was Richard Kleindienst, who was never implicated in any of the Watergate scandals. Even if Smith meant that he was talking about John Mitchell, the former Attorney General, Gray further points out that no one (outside of the conspirators) knew of Mitchell's involvement until the following April, when John Dean admitted as much to special prosecutors.[43]
Documents
Gray was a meticulous record-keeper, which is most easily evidenced by the 40 boxes of personal records he took with him from his year with the FBI.[44] The archive would grow even after Gray left the FBI as a direct result of the legal proceedings in which he was forced to take part in the years to follow.
This archive has become what is undoubtedly the "most complete set of Watergate investigative records outside the government."[45]
Selected Navy awards
American Defense Service Medal
American Campaign Medal
Asiatic–Pacific Campaign Medal
World War II Victory Medal
National Defense Service Medal
Korean Service Medal
United Nations Korea Medal
See also
World War II portalBiography portal
Helen Gandy
Notes
Kessler, Ronald (2003). The Bureau: The Secret History of the FBI. Macmillan. p. 29. ISBN 0-312-98977-6.
Gray, L. Patrick (March 3, 2009). In Nixon's Web: A Year in the Crosshairs of Watergate. St. Martin's Press. ISBN 978-0805089189. "He [L. Patrick Gray III] was a lifelong Republican, but Richard Nixon considered him a threat"
NYT1 1973
Page 3 of 3 (June 26, 2005). "Page 3: 'Deep Throat's' Ex-Boss Shocked by Revelation - ABC News". Abcnews.go.com. Retrieved May 17, 2012.
Gray III & Gray 2008, pp. xix–xx
Gray III & Gray 2008, p. xx
FBI 2008
Gray III & Gray 2008, p. 59
Gray III & Gray 2008, p. 60
Emery 1995, p. 157
Gray III & Gray 2008, pp. 60–61
Gray III & Gray 2008, p. 65
Gray III & Gray 2008, p. 72
USG 1974, p. 463
Gray III & Gray 2008, pp. 85–87
Gray III & Gray 2008, pp. 88–89
Haldeman, H.R., The Haldeman Diaries, New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1994, 474-75.
Dean, John, Blind Ambition, New York: Simon & Schuster, 1976, 122.
Gray III & Gray 2008, p. 133
The claim by Gray that Roswell Gilpatric had informed John Mitchell about Felt being the leaker was called "far-fetched" by the deceased Gilpatric's son, John. John Gilpatric told The New York Times that his father never mentioned knowing John Mitchell. However, a tape in the Oval Office has Nixon telling Gray that the source for this accusation was "a lawyer... for Time." For more on this question, see Roswell Gilpatric
Gray III & Gray 2008, p. 280
Sussman 1974, pp. 165–166
Sussman 1974, p. 173
Gray III & Gray 2008, pp. 81–82
Gray III & Gray 2008, pp. 238–243
Sullivan, Patricia. "Watergate-Era FBI Chief L. Patrick Gray III Dies at 88", Washington Post (July 7, 2005): "Mr. Gray, a Nixon loyalist often described as a political naif, finally was forced to resign April 27, 1973...."
Gray III & Gray 2008, p. xxi
Gray III & Gray 2008, p. 267
Gray III & Gray 2008, pp. 265–267
CHTribune 1980
UPI (December 30, 1980). "Exonerated Gray says he'll sue government". The Bulletin. Retrieved March 31, 2010.[permanent dead link]
Purdum, Todd S. (July 7, 2005). "L. Patrick Gray III, Who Led the F.B.I. During Watergate, Dies at 88". The New York Times. Retrieved December 12, 2014.
O'Connor 2005
"W. Mark Felt Reveals Himself as Deep Throat, Ends Years of Post-Watergate Speculation". Vanity Fair. October 17, 2006.
Woodward, Bob. The Secret Man: The Story of Watergate's Deep Throat, Simon & Schuster, 2005. ISBN 0-7432-8715-0
"The Watergate Story | Deep Throat Revealed - The Washington Post". The Washington Post.
NYT3 2005, p. B4
HIGH 2008
Stout, David (March 9, 2008). "Ex-F.B.I. Chief's Book Revisits Watergate". The New York Times.
Gray III & Gray 2008, pp. 289–302
NYT4 2009
AJRSmith 2009
AJRGray 2009
Gray III & Gray 2008, p. 303
Gray III & Gray 2008, p. 304
References
Biographical entry, St. Thomas High School Hall of Honor, archived from the original on May 12, 2008, retrieved July 2, 2008
Emery, Fred (1995), Watergate: The Corruption of American Politics and the Fall of Richard Nixon, Simon & Schuster, ISBN 0-684-81323-8
Directors, Then and Now, The Federal Bureau of Investigation, archived from the original on August 13, 2008, retrieved August 7, 2008
Gray III, L. Patrick; Gray, Ed (2008), In Nixon's Web: A Year in the Crosshairs of Watergate, Times Books/Henry Holt, ISBN 978-0-8050-8256-2
O'Connor, John D. (July 2005), "I'm the Guy They Called Deep Throat", Vanity Fair, retrieved July 2, 2008
Simeone, John; Jacobs, David (2003), Complete Idiot's Guide to the FBI, Alpha Books (published 2002), ISBN 0-02-864400-X
Theoharis, Athan G. (2000), The FBI: A Comprehensive Reference Guide, New York: Checkmark Books, ISBN 0-8160-4228-4
Woodward, Bob (2005), The Secret Man: The Story of Watergate's Deep Throat, Simon & Schuster, ISBN 0-7432-8715-0
Sussman, Barry (1974), The Great Cover-up: Nixon and the Scandal of Watergate, Thomas Y. Crowell Company, ISBN 0-690-00729-9
United States Congress, House Committee on the Judiciary (1974), Statement of information : hearings before the Committee on the Judiciary, House of Representatives, Ninety-third Congress, second session, pursuant to H. Res. 803, a resolution authorizing and directing the Committee on the Judiciary to investigate whether sufficient grounds exist for the House of Representatives to exercise its constitutional power to impeach Richard M. Nixon, President of the United States of America. May–June 1974 (Book II), U.S. Government Printing Office
Johnston, David (June 27, 2005), "Ex-F.B.I. Chief Calls Deep Throat's Unmasking a Shock", New York Times, retrieved March 21, 2009
Rugaber, Walter (April 28, 1973), "A Sudden Decision: Chief Resigns After Citing Reports He Destroyed Files", New York Times, retrieved March 21, 2009
Crewdson, John (April 6, 1973), "Nixon Withdraws Gray Nomination as F.B.I. Director", New York Times, retrieved March 21, 2009
Perez-Pena, Richard (May 24, 2009), "2 Ex-Timesmen Say They Had a Tip on Watergate First", New York Times, retrieved May 31, 2009
Smith, Robert (May 26, 2009), "Before Deep Throat", American Journalism Review, retrieved June 1, 2009
Gray, Edward (May 28, 2009), "Taking Issue", American Journalism Review, retrieved June 1, 2009
"Court Clears ex-FBI Chief", The Chicago Tribune, December 12, 1980
External links
Louis Patrick Gray, III, www.fbi.gov.
L. Patrick Gray, Deep Throat's Boss at F.B.I., Dies at 88. New York Times, July 6, 2005.
Ex-F.B.I. Chief Calls Deep Throat's Unmasking a Shock. New York Times, June 27, 2005.
'Deep Throat's' Ex-Boss Shocked by Revelation. ABC News This Week, June 26, 2005.
Obituary. Seattle Times, July 7, 2005.
White House Tapes relating to FBI. National Security Archives, July 2, 2008.
Biographical entry. St. Thomas High School Hall of Honor, July 2, 2008.
Ed Gray on "Morning Joe." MSNBC, March 7, 2008.
Ex-F.B.I. Chief's Book Revisits Watergate New York Times, March 9, 2008.
In Nixon's Web: Watergate and the FBI
Gray in Black and White Archived June 2, 2009, at the Wayback Machine. The American Spectator, June 2008.
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John O'Beirne Ranelagh is a television executive and producer, and an author of history and of current politics. He was created a Knight First Class by King Harald V of Norway in 2013 in the Royal Norwegian Order of Merit, for outstanding service in the interest of Norway.
Ranelagh was born in New York and moved to rural Ireland following his parents’ 1946 marriage.[1]
Education
He read Modern History at Christ Church, Oxford, and went on to take a Ph.D. at Eliot College, University of Kent.
Career
He was Campaign Director for "Outset", a charity for the single homeless person, where he pioneered the concept of charity auctions. From 1974 to 1979 he was at the Conservative Research Department where he first had responsibility for Education policy, and then for Foreign policy. He started his career in television with the British Broadcasting Corporation, first for BBC News and Current Affairs on Midweek. As Associate Producer he was a key member of the BBC/RTE Ireland: A Television History 13-part documentary series (1981). Later a member of the team that started Channel 4, he conceived the Equinox program,[2] developed the "commissioning system", and served as Board Secretary. He was the first television professional appointed to the Independent Television Commission (ITC), a government agency which licensed and regulated commercial television in Britain from 1991 to 2003.[3]
Eventually Ranelagh relocated to Scandinavia where he continued in television broadcasting.[4] There he has been with various companies: as Executive Chairman for NordicWorld; as Director for Kanal 2 Estonia; and, as Deputy Chief Executive and Director of Programmes for TV2 Denmark. Later Ranelagh worked at TV2 Norway as Director of Acquisition, and at Vizrt as deputy Chairman and then Chairman .[5]
Ranelagh stood as the Conservative Party candidate in Caerphilly in the 1979 general election. He stood for the seat of Bethnal Green and Bow in the 1977 Greater London Council election.[6]
Books
Ranelagh has also written several books:[7]
"The I.R.B. from the Treaty to 1924," in Irish Historical Studies, Vol. 20, No. 77 (March 1976).
"Science and Education," CRD, 1977.
"Human Rights and Foreign Policy," with Richard Luce, CPC, 1978.
Ireland. An illustrated history (Oxford University 1981);
A Short History of Ireland (Cambridge University 1983, 2d ed. 1995, 3d ed. 2012);
The Agency. The rise and decline of the CIA (New York: Simon and Schuster 1986, pb. ed. 1987);
"Secrets, Supervision and Information," in Freedom of Information; Freedom of the Individual, ed. Julia Neuberger, 1987.
"The Irish Republican Brotherhood in the revolutionary period, 1879–1923," in The Revolution in Ireland, 1879–1923, ed. D.G. Boyce, 1988.
Den Anden Kanal, Tiderne Skifter, 1989.
Thatcher's People. An insider's account of the politics, the power and the personalities (HarperCollins 1991);
CIA: A History (London: BBC Books, illustrated edition 1992).
Encyclopædia Britannica, "Ireland," 1993–
"Through the Looking Glass: A comparison of United States and United Kingdom Intelligence cultures," in In the Name of Intelligence, eds. Hayden B. Peake and Samuel Halpern, 1998.
"Channel 4: A view from within," in The making of Channel 4, ed. Peter Catterall, 1998.
Family
John Ranelagh's Irish father was James O'Beirne Ranelagh (died 1979 Cambridge) who had been in the IRA in 1916 and later, fighting on the Republican side in the 1922–24 Civil War. His mother was Elaine (née Lambert Lewis). She had been a young American folklorist with her own WNYC radio program,[8] and thereafter became the noted author, E. L. Ranelagh (born 1914 New York, died 1996 London).[9] A native New Yorker, she had moved to rural Ireland following her 1946 marriage to James. Their son John Ranelagh, who has three younger sisters, Bawn, Elizabeth and Fionn, was born in 1947.[10] His wife is Elizabeth Grenville Hawthorne, author of Managing Grass for Horses (2005). Hawthorne is the daughter of the late Sir William Hawthorne.
See also
Channel 4
Equinox
TV2 Norway
Notes
"The Irish Republican Brotherhood 1914 – 1924". Irish Academic Press. Retrieved 6 August 2024.
Equinox ran from 1986 to 2001 and presented science features and documentaries.
Speaker Bio John Ranelagh at natpe.2014 Archived 2011-05-15 at the Wayback Machine.
Video Snack with John Ranelagh, TV2 Norway.
Speaker Bio John Ranelagh at natpe.2014 Archived 2011-05-15 at the Wayback Machine.
"Greater London Council Election" (PDF). 5 May 1977. Archived from the original (PDF) on 22 August 2013. Retrieved 23 July 2023.
His The Agency (1986), won the National Intelligence Book Prize, was a New York Times Notable Book of the Year, and was nominated for a Pulitzer Prize. In 2000 the Washington Post listed it as one if the ten best books on Intelligence in the twentieth century. To the present day it is recommended reading for students of Intelligence. He is also the author of two books on the history of Ireland, one of which – "A Short History of Ireland" – has been in constant print since 1983.Amazon's John Ranelagh page
Broadcasting from New York City, her show featured folk songs. In the late 1930s she helped introduce the blues of Huddie Ledbetter to radio audiences.
Among the books of E. L. Ranelagh: Himself and I (New York: Citadel 1957), under the pen-name Anne O'Neill-Barna; The Past We Share. The near eastern ancestry of western folk literature (London: Quartet 1979); Men on Women (London: Quartet 1985), a history of gender relations. Later, she also published paperbacks on "Rugby Jokes".
Obituaries: Elaine O'Beirne-Ranelagh
External links
Exclusive Interview with John O'Beirne Ranelagh
Video Snack with John Ranelagh, TV2 Norway
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20th-century Irish historiansIrish broadcastersLiving peopleHistorians of the Central Intelligence AgencyAlumni of Christ Church, OxfordBBC peopleAlumni of the University of KentConservative Party (UK) parliamentary candidatesPeople from New York City
Secret history of the CIA: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/
Featuring a diverse array of voices, including intellectual powerhouse Dr. Noam Chomsky, prolific author Dr. William Domhoff, former US Attorney General Ramsey Clark, and the astute perspectives of former Congressman Ron Paul, among others, this series delves into the multifaceted layers of power shaping the nation.
The inaugural segment meticulously dissects the ruling class institutions that wield immense influence, such as the Council on Foreign Relations, Bilderbergers, and Trilateral Commission. It unveils how these entities, irrespective of political affiliations, intricately steer US economic and political landscapes. Through an astute examination of personnel and policies, the program elucidates how these entities exert control, transcending the boundaries of Democrat or Republican administrations.
Unraveling the intricate interplay of power and policy, this episode serves as an eye-opening journey into the unseen forces governing the American socio-political sphere.
George William "Bill" Domhoff (born August 6, 1936) is a Distinguished Professor Emeritus and research professor of psychology and sociology at the University of California, Santa Cruz, and a founding faculty member of UCSC's Cowell College.[1][2] He is best known as the author of several best-selling sociology books,[3] including Who Rules America? and its seven subsequent editions (1967 through 2022).[4]
Biography
Early life
Domhoff was born in Youngstown, Ohio, and raised in Rocky River, 12 miles from Cleveland. His parents were George William Domhoff Sr., a loan executive, and Helen S. (Cornett) Domhoff, a secretary at George Sr.'s company.
In high school, Domhoff was a three-sport athlete (in baseball, basketball, and football), wrote for his school newspaper's sports section, served on student council, and won a contest to be the batboy for the Cleveland Indians. He graduated as co-valedictorian.[2]
Education
Domhoff received a Bachelor of Arts degree in psychology at Duke University (1958), where he finished freshman year tenth in his class, wrote for the Duke Chronicle, played baseball as an outfielder, and tutored the student athletes. As an undergraduate, he also wrote for The Durham Sun and received his Phi Beta Kappa key.[2] He later earned a Master of Arts degree in psychology at Kent State University (1959), and a Doctor of Philosophy degree in psychology at the University of Miami (1962).[5]
Family
Domhoff has four children. His son-in-law was a Major League Baseball player, Glenallen Hill.[2][6]
Career
Academia
Domhoff was an assistant professor of psychology at California State University, Los Angeles, for three years in the early 1960s. In 1965, he joined the founding faculty[7] of the University of California, Santa Cruz (UCSC), as an assistant professor at Cowell College. He became an associate professor in 1969, a professor in 1976, and a Distinguished Professor in 1993. After his retirement in 1994, he has continued to publish and teach classes as a research professor.[2][8]
Over the course of his career at UCSC, Domhoff served in many capacities at various times: acting dean of the Division of Social Sciences,[9] chair of the Sociology Department, chair of the Academic Senate, chair of the Committee on Academic Personnel, and chair of the Statewide Committee on Preparatory Education.[2] In 2007, he received the University of California's Constantine Panunzio Distinguished Emeriti Award, which honors the post-retirement contributions of UC faculty.[10]
Sociology
Domhoff's first book, Who Rules America? (1967), was a 1960s sociological best-seller.[2] It argues that the United States is dominated by an elite ownership class both politically and economically.[11] This work was partially inspired by Domhoff's experience of the Civil Rights Movement and projects that he assigned for his social psychology courses to map how different organizations were connected.[2] It built on E. Digby Baltzell's 1958 book Philadelphia Gentlemen: The Making of a National Upper Class, C. Wright Mills' 1956 book The Power Elite, Robert A. Dahl's 1961 book Who Governs? and Paul Sweezy work on interest groups, and Floyd Hunter's 1953 book Community Power Structure and 1957 book Top Leadership, USA.
Who Rules was followed by a series of sociology and power structure books like C. Wright Mills and the Power Elite (1968), Bohemian Grove and Other Retreats (1974), and three more best-sellers: The Higher Circles (1970), The Powers That Be (1979), and Who Rules America Now? (1983).[2]
Domhoff has written seven updates to Who Rules America? Every edition has been used as a sociology textbook. He also has a "Who Rules America?" website, hosted by UCSC.[12]
Psychology
In addition to his work in sociology, Domhoff has been a pioneer in the scientific study of dreams.[13][14] In the 1960s, he worked closely with Calvin S. Hall, who had developed a content analysis system for dreams. He has continued to study dreams, and his latest research advocates a neurocognitive basis for future dream research.[15][16]
He and his research partner, Adam Schneider, maintain two websites dedicated to quantitative dream research: DreamResearch.net and DreamBank.net.[14]
Selected bibliography
Who Rules America?
1967. Who Rules America? Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice Hall.
1983. Who Rules America Now? A View for the 80's. New York: Simon and Schuster.
1998. Who Rules America? Power and Politics in the Year 2000. 3rd Edition. Mountain View, Calif.: Mayfield Publishing Co.
2002. Who Rules America? Power and Politics. 4th Edition. New York: McGraw-Hill.
2006. Who Rules America? Power, Politics, and Social Change. 5th Edition. New York: McGraw-Hill.
2010. Who Rules America? Challenges to Corporate and Class Dominance. 6th Edition. New York: McGraw-Hill.
2014. Who Rules America? The Triumph of the Corporate Rich.. 7th Edition. New York: McGraw-Hill.
2022. Who Rules America? The Corporate Rich, White Nationalist Republicans, and Inclusionary Democrats in the 2020s. 8th Edition. Abingdon, UK: Routledge.
Dreams
1996. Finding Meaning in Dreams: A Quantitative Approach. New York: Plenum Publishing.
2003. The Scientific Study of Dreams: Neural Networks, Cognitive Development, and Content Analysis. Washington: American Psychological Association Press.
2018. The Emergence of Dreaming: Mind-Wandering, Embodied Simulation, and the Default Network. New York: Oxford University Press.
2022. The Neurocognitive Theory of Dreaming: The Where, How, When, What, and Why of Dreams. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
References
"Psychology Faculty". University of California at Santa Cruz. Retrieved 16 December 2019.
Domhoff, G. William (February 13, 2014). "G. William Domhoff: The Adventures and Regrets of a Professor of Dreams and Power". University of California.
Gans, H. (1997). "Best-sellers by sociologists: An exploratory study". Contemporary Sociology. 26 (2): 131–135. doi:10.2307/2076741. JSTOR 2076741.
Seidman, Derek. ""Who Rules America?" After 50 Years: An Interview with Professor G. William Domhoff". Eyes on the Ties (LittleSis). Retrieved 16 December 2019.
Domhoff, p.209 in Class in America: An Encyclopedia. by Robert E. Weir ABC-CLIO, 2007
"Sunday, Dec. 3, 1995 C-7. Weddings, Engagements, Anniversaries". Santa Cruz Sentinel. December 3, 1995.
"G. William (Bill) Domhoff, founding faculty, and psychologist Calvin S. Hall, at the Cowell College fountain". UCSC. 1968. Archived from the original on 2017-09-16. Retrieved 2017-06-12.
Domhoff, G. William. "G. William Domhoff: Power Structure Research retrospective (1994)." YouTube.
"William (Bill) Domhoff, dean of the division of social sciences". UCSC. Archived from the original on 2017-12-29. Retrieved 2017-06-12.
"UCSC's Michael Nauenberg wins UC distinguished emeriti award". Santa Cruz Sentinel. 8 May 2013. Retrieved 16 December 2019.
World of Sociology. Gale. November 2000. ISBN 978-0-7876-4965-4.
"Who Rules America?"
"Keynote Speakers: 2017 Annual International Dream Conference". International Association for the Study of Dreams.
King, Philip; Bulkeley, Kelly; Welt, Bernard (2011). Dreaming in the Classroom: Practices, Methods, and Resources in Dream Education. SUNY Press. p. 245.
Domhoff, G. William (2018). The Emergence of Dreaming: Mind-Wandering, Embodied Simulation, and the Default Network. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780190673420.
Domhoff, G. William (2022). The Neurocognitive Theory of Dreaming. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. ISBN 9780262544214.
William Ramsey Clark (December 18, 1927 – April 9, 2021) was an American lawyer, activist, and federal government official. A progressive, New Frontier liberal,[1] he occupied senior positions in the United States Department of Justice under Presidents John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson, serving as United States Attorney General from 1967 to 1969; previously, he was Deputy Attorney General from 1965 to 1967 and Assistant Attorney General from 1961 to 1965.
As attorney general, Clark was known for his vigorous opposition to the death penalty, aggressive support of civil liberties and civil rights, and dedication to enforcing United States antitrust laws.[2] Clark supervised the drafting of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and Civil Rights Act of 1968.
After leaving public office, Clark led many progressive activism campaigns, including opposition to the War on Terror. He offered advice or legal defense to such prominent figures as Charles Taylor, Slobodan Milošević, Saddam Hussein, Colonel Muammar Gaddafi, and Lyndon LaRouche.[3] Until his death in 2021, Clark was the last surviving member of the cabinet of Lyndon B. Johnson.[4]
Early life and career
Clark was born in Dallas, Texas, on December 18, 1927,[5] the son of jurist Tom C. Clark and his wife Mary Jane (née Ramsey). Clark's father served as United States Attorney General from 1945 to 1949 under President Harry S. Truman and then became a Supreme Court Justice in August 1949.[6] His maternal grandfather was William Franklin Ramsey, who served on the Supreme Court of Texas,[7][8] while his paternal grandfather, lawyer William Henry Clark, was president of the Texas Bar Association.[7]
Clark attended Woodrow Wilson High School in Washington, D.C., but dropped out at the age of 17 in order to join the United States Marine Corps, seeing action in Western Europe in the final months of World War II;[7] he served until 1946. Back in the U.S., he earned a Bachelor of Arts from the University of Texas at Austin in 1949, and obtained a Master of Arts in American history from the University of Chicago and a Juris Doctor from the University of Chicago Law School in 1950 and 1951, respectively.[9] While at the University of Texas, he was a member of the Delta Tau Delta fraternity.[10]
He was admitted to the Texas bar in 1950, and was admitted to practice before the Supreme Court of the United States in 1956. From 1951 to 1961, Clark practiced law as an associate and partner at his father's Texas law firm, Clark, Reed and Clark.[11]
Kennedy and Johnson administrations
Attorney General Clark and President Lyndon B. Johnson in 1967
In the Kennedy and Johnson administrations, Clark occupied senior positions in the Justice Department; he was Assistant Attorney General, overseeing the department's Lands Division from 1961 to 1965, and then served as Deputy Attorney General from 1965 to 1967.[12]
In 1967, President Lyndon B. Johnson nominated him to be Attorney General of the United States. He was confirmed by the Senate and took the oath of office on March 2. Clark was one of Johnson's popular and successful cabinet appointments, being described as "able, independent, liberal and soft-spoken" and a symbol of the New Frontier liberals;[1] he had also built a successful record, especially in his management of the Justice Department's Lands Division; he had increased the efficiency of his division and had saved enough money from his budget so that he had asked Congress to reduce the budget by $200,000 annually.[1]
However, there also was speculation that one of the reasons that contributed to Johnson's making the appointment was the expectation that Clark's father, Associate Justice Tom C. Clark, would resign from the Supreme Court to avoid a conflict of interest.[13] Johnson wanted a vacancy to be created on the Court so he could appoint Thurgood Marshall, the first African American justice. The elder Clark assumed senior status on June 12, 1967, effectively resigning from the Supreme Court and creating the vacancy Johnson apparently desired.[14]
During his years at the Justice Department, Clark played an important role in the history of the civil rights movement. He:
supervised the federal presence at Ole Miss during the week following the admission of James Meredith;
surveyed all school districts in the South desegregating under court order (1963);
supervised federal enforcement of the court order protecting the 1965 Selma to Montgomery marches;
headed the Presidential task force to Watts following the 1965 riots; and
supervised the drafting and executive role in passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and Civil Rights Act of 1968.[3]
As attorney general during part of the Vietnam War, Clark oversaw the prosecution of the Boston Five for "conspiracy to aid and abet draft resistance." Four of the five were convicted, including pediatrician Dr. Benjamin Spock and Yale chaplain William Sloane Coffin Jr.,[15] but in later years, Clark expressed his regret at the prosecution's victory: "We won the case, that was the worst part."[16]
Clark served as the attorney general until Johnson's term as president ended on January 20, 1969.[17] Because of Richard Nixon's attacks on Clark's liberal record during the 1968 presidential election campaign and ultimate narrow victory over Hubert H. Humphrey, relations between Johnson and Clark soured and, by inauguration day, they were no longer on speaking terms.[15]
In addition to his government work, during this period Clark was also director of the American Judicature Society (in 1963) and national president of the Federal Bar Association in 1964–65.[17]
Private career
Following his term as attorney general, Clark taught courses at the Howard University School of Law (1969–1972) and Brooklyn Law School (1973–1981).[18] He was active in the anti-Vietnam War movement and visited North Vietnam in 1972 as a protest against the bombing of Hanoi.[15] During this time he was associated with the New York law firm Paul, Weiss, Rifkind, Wharton & Garrison, but he resigned in 1973, saying, "I didn't feel like working on things I didn't believe in, I didn't think were important."[19]
On January 28, 1970, Ramsey Clark testified in the Chicago Seven trial. He was barred by Judge Julius Hoffman from testifying before the jury after Clark had testified outside the presence of the jury. Judge Hoffman upheld the prosecution's objections to 14 of Defense Attorney William Kunstler's 38 questions to Clark, but Clark did testify that he had told the prosecutor Tom Foran to investigate the charges against the defendants through Justice Department lawyers "as is generally done in civil rights cases", rather than through a grand jury.[20]
At the 1972 Democratic National Convention, Clark received one delegate vote for the presidential nomination[21] and two delegate votes for the vice-presidential nomination.[22]
In the 1974 New York state election, Clark ran as the Democratic candidate for U.S. Senator; he defeated the party's designee Lee Alexander in the primary, but lost in the general election to the incumbent Jacob Javits. In the 1976 election, Clark again sought the Democratic nomination to represent New York in the Senate, but finished a distant third in the primary behind Daniel Patrick Moynihan and Congresswoman Bella Abzug.[15]
On November 5, 1979, at the start of the Iranian hostage crisis, President Jimmy Carter instructed Clark and Senate staffer William Miller to visit Tehran and seek to open negotiations with Iranian authorities for the hostages' release; while en route, they were refused entry into the country by Ayatollah Khomeini.[23][24] Defying a travel ban, Clark went to Tehran again in June 1980 to attend a conference on alleged U.S. interference in Iranian affairs, on which occasion he was granted admission. While there he both demanded the release of the hostages and criticized past U.S. support for the deposed Shah. This second unauthorized trip reportedly infuriated President Carter.[25][15]
International activism
In September 1998, Clark led a delegation to Sudan to collect evidence in the aftermath of President Bill Clinton's bombing of the Al-Shifa pharmaceutical factory in Khartoum the previous month as part of Operation Infinite Reach. Upon returning to the U.S., the delegation held a press conference on September 22, 1998, to refute the U.S. State Department's claims that the facility had been producing VX nerve agent.[26] U.S. officials later acknowledged that the evidence cited as the rationale for the Al-Shifa strike was weaker than initially believed.[27]
In 1991, Clark's Coalition to Stop U.S. Intervention in the Middle East opposed the U.S.-led war and sanctions against Iraq.[28] Clark accused the administration of President George H. W. Bush, its officials Dan Quayle, James Baker, Dick Cheney, William Webster, Colin Powell, Norman Schwarzkopf, and "others to be named" of "crimes against peace, war crimes", and "crimes against humanity" for its conduct of the Gulf War against Iraq and the ensuing sanctions;[29] in 1996, he added the charges of genocide and the "use of a weapon of mass destruction".[30] Similarly, after the 1999 NATO bombing of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Ramsey charged and "tried" NATO on 19 counts and issued calls for its dissolution.[31]
As a lawyer, Clark was criticized by both opponents and supporters for some of the people he agreed to defend, such as foreign dictators hostile to the United States; Clark stood beside and defended his clients, regardless of their own admitted actions and crimes.[32]
In 2004, Clark joined a panel of about 20 Arab and one other non-Arab lawyers to defend Saddam Hussein in his trial before the Iraqi Special Tribunal.[33] Clark appeared before the Iraqi Special Tribunal in late November 2005 arguing "that it failed to respect basic human rights and was illegal because it was formed as a consequence of the United States' illegal war of aggression against the people of Iraq."[34] Clark said that unless the trial was seen as "absolutely fair", it would "divide rather than reconcile Iraq".[35] Christopher Hitchens said Clark was admitting Hussein's guilt when Clark reportedly stated in a 2005 BBC interview: "He [Saddam] had this huge war going on, and you have to act firmly when you have an assassination attempt".[36]
Hitchens continued to describe Clark in the following terms:
"From bullying prosecutor he mutated into vagrant and floating defense counsel, offering himself to the génocideurs of Rwanda and to Slobodan Milosevic, and using up the spare time in apologetics for North Korea. He acts as front-man for the Workers World Party, which originated in a defense of the Soviet invasion of Hungary in 1956."[36]
Sociologist and anti-communist scholar Paul Hollander wrote of Clark:
"It is likely that well before Clark took his bizarre positions in support of highly repressive, violent, and intolerant political systems and their leaders, he came to the conclusion that the United States was the most dangerous and reprehensible source of evil in the world. This overarching belief led to the reflexive sympathy and support for all the enemies and alleged victims of the United States. They include dictators of different ideological persuasion noted above, whose inhumane qualities and policies Clark was unable to discern or acknowledge, let alone condemn. It was sufficient for Clark's moral accounting that if these dictators were opposed to (and allegedly victimized by) the United States, they deserved and earned his sympathy."[37]
Clark was not alone in criticizing the Iraqi Special Tribunal's trial of Saddam Hussein, which drew intense criticism from international human rights organizations. Human Rights Watch called Saddam's trial a "missed opportunity" and a "deeply flawed trial",[38][39] and the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention found the trial to be unfair and to violate basic international human rights law.[34] Among the irregularities cited by HRW, were that proceedings were marked by frequent outbursts by both judges and defendants, that three defense lawyers were murdered, that the original chief judge was replaced, that important documents were not given to defense lawyers in advance, that paperwork was lost, and that the judges made asides that pre-judged Saddam Hussein.[40] One of the aforementioned outbursts occurred when Clark was ejected from the trial after passing the judge a memorandum stating that the trial was making "a mockery of justice". The chief judge Raouf Abdul Rahman shouted at Clark, "No, you are the mockery ... get him out. Out!"[41]
On March 18, 2006, Clark attended the funeral of Slobodan Milošević. He commented: "History will prove Milošević was right. Charges are just that: charges. The trial did not have facts." He compared the trial of Milošević with Saddam's, stating "both trials are marred with injustice, both are flawed." He characterized Milošević and Saddam Hussein as "both commanders who were courageous enough to fight more powerful countries."[42]
Ramsey Clark speaks to the anti-war protest in Washington, D.C., on March 20, 2010.
In June 2006, Clark wrote an article criticizing U.S. foreign policy in general, containing a list of 17 U.S. "major aggressions" introduced by "Both branches of our One Party system, Democrat and Republican, favor the use of force to have their way."[a] He followed this by saying, "The United States government may have been able to outspend the Soviet Union into economic collapse in the Cold War arms race, injuring the entire planet in the process. Now Bush has entered a new arms race and is provoking a Second Cold War."[43]
On September 1, 2007, in New York City, Clark called for detained Filipino Jose Maria Sison's release and pledged assistance by joining the latter's legal defense team headed by Jan Fermon. Clark doubted Dutch authorities' "validity and competency", since the murder charges originated in the Philippines and had already been dismissed by the country's Supreme Court.[44]
In November 2007, Clark visited Nandigram in India[45][46] where conflict between state government forces and villagers resulted in the death of at least 14 villagers.[47][48][49] In a December 2007 interview, he described the War on Terrorism as a war against Islam.[50]
Ramsey Clark visiting Nandigram, India, November 2007
In April 2009, Clark spoke at a session of the UN's anti-racism Durban Review Conference at which he accused Israel of genocide.[51]
In September 2010, an essay on torture by Clark was published in a three-part paperback entitled The Torturer in the Mirror (Seven Stories Press).[52][15]
Clark was a recipient of the 1992 Gandhi Peace Award,[53] and also the Peace Abbey Courage of Conscience Award for his commitment to civil rights, his opposition to war and military spending and his dedication to providing legal representation to the peace movement, particularly, his efforts to free Leonard Peltier.[54] In 1999, he traveled to Belgrade to receive an honorary doctorate from Belgrade University.[55][56] In 2008, the United Nations awarded him its Prize in the Field of Human Rights for "his steadfast insistence on respect for human rights and fair judicial process for all".[57]
Advocating the impeachment of George W. Bush
See also: Efforts to impeach George W. Bush
VoteToImpeachFounded 2002
Dissolved January 20, 2009
Type Political advocacy
Focus Impeachment of Bush administration members
Location
Washington, D.C.
Area served
United States
Members
Reported over 1,000,000 signatories
Key people
Ramsey Clark (founder)
In 2002, Clark founded "VoteToImpeach", an organization advocating the impeachment of President George W. Bush and several members of his administration. For the duration of Bush's terms in office, Clark sought, unsuccessfully, for the House of Representatives to bring articles of impeachment against Bush. He was the founder of the International Action Center, which holds significant overlapping membership with the Workers' World Party.[58] Clark and the IAC helped found the protest organization A.N.S.W.E.R. (Act Now to Stop War and End Racism).[59]
On March 19, 2003, the New Jersey newspaper and website The Independent reported Clark's efforts to impeach Bush and others, prior to the start of the Iraq War. The paper commented: "Clark said there is a Web site, www.votetoimpeach.org, dedicated to collecting signatures of U.S. citizens who want President George W. Bush impeached, and that approximately 150,000 have signed to impeach, he said."[60] The Weekly Standard magazine stated in an article dated February 27, 2004, "Ramsey Clark's VoteToImpeach.org is a serious operation", and said the group had run full-sized newspaper advertising on both coasts of the U.S. though the Standard also went on to describe them as also being an "angry petition stage."[61]
Clark's speech to a counter-inauguration protest on January 20, 2005, at John Marshall Park in Washington, D.C., was broadcast by Democracy Now in which Clark stated: "We've had more than 500,000 people sign on 'Vote to Impeach'."[62] The San Francisco Bay Guardian listed the website as one of three "Impeachment links", alongside afterdowningstreet.org and impeachpac.org.[63]
The organization, under Clark's guidance, drafted its own articles of impeachment against President Bush, Vice President Richard B. Cheney, Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, and Attorney General John Ashcroft. The document argues that the four committed, "violations and subversions of the Constitution of the United States of America in an attempt to carry out with impunity crimes against peace and humanity and war crimes and deprivations of the civil rights of the people of the United States and other nations, by assuming powers of an imperial executive unaccountable to law and usurping powers of the Congress, the Judiciary and those reserved to the people of the United States."[64] Votetoimpeach.org claimed to have collected over one million signatures in favor of impeachment as of January 2009.[65]
Notable clients
As a lawyer, Clark also provided legal counsel and advice to prominent figures, including many controversial individuals.[66][67]
Regarding his role as a defense lawyer in the trial of Saddam Hussein, Clark said: "A fair trial in this case is absolutely imperative for historical truth."[68] Clark stated that by the time he decided to join Hussein's defense team, it was clear that "proceedings before the Iraqi Special Tribunal would corrupt justice both in fact and in appearance and create more hatred and rage in Iraq against the American occupation...affirmative measures must be taken to prevent prejudice from affecting the conduct of the case and the final judgment of the court...For there to be peace, the days of victor's justice must end."[69]
A partial listing of persons who have reportedly received legal counsel and advice from Ramsey Clark includes:
Lori Berenson, an American convicted of support of MRTA guerrillas in Peru.[70]
Father Philip Berrigan, a Catholic priest and antiwar activist (one of the Harrisburg Seven). Clark served as defense counsel at trial and won an acquittal.[71]
Young church worker Jennifer Casolo, charged by Salvadoran authorities in 1989 with aiding the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front. Clark traveled to El Salvador to aid in her defense.[72][73] Casolo was released and deported to the U.S. after 18 days in police detention.[74][75]
Radovan Karadžić, former Bosnian Serb politician. In the 1990s, Clark represented Karadžić in a civil suit brought by Croats and Muslims from the former Yugoslavia who sued Karadžić under the Alien Tort Claims Act of 1789 and Torture Victims Protection Act of 1992 for atrocities and human rights abuses committed during the Bosnian War.[67][76]
About 100 survivors and relatives of the dead members of the Branch Davidian sect, whose Mount Carmel compound besieged by federal agents in a 51-day Waco siege in 1993, resulting in the death of about 80 members. Clark represented the plaintiffs in a suit alleging wrongful death and excessive force, giving an impassioned closing argument in which he called the siege "the greatest domestic law enforcement tragedy in the history of the United States." In a trial in 2000, the jury returned a verdict for the government.[77][78]
"Political-cult guru" Lyndon LaRouche.[79]
Nazi concentration camp commandant Karl Linnas.[80]
Camilo Mejía, a U.S. soldier who deserted his post.[81]
The National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws Advisory Board during the 1970s and early 1980s.[82][83]
American Indian Movement prisoner Leonard Peltier.[84]
Elizaphan Ntakirutimana, a leader in the Rwandan genocide.[85]
Palestine Liberation Organization leaders in a lawsuit brought by the family of Leon Klinghoffer, who was murdered during hijacking of the Achille Lauro.[16]
Nazi War criminal Jakob "Jack" Reimer, charged for the killings of Jews in Warsaw.[86]
Liberian dictator Charles Taylor[3] during his 1985 fight against extradition from the United States to Liberia, Taylor would later be convicted of crimes against humanity.[87]
Civil rights attorney Stephen Yagman,[88] whose disbarment from U.S. federal court was sought based on his harsh criticism of a federal judge, William Duffy Keller, calling him an anti-Semite and saying he had been drunk on the bench.[89]
In popular culture
In Aaron Sorkin's 2020 film The Trial of the Chicago 7, Clark was portrayed by Michael Keaton.[90]
Personal life
Clark married Georgia Welch, a classmate from the University of Texas, on April 16, 1949. They had two children, Ronda Kathleen Clark and Tom Campbell Clark II. His wife died on July 3, 2010, at the age of 81.[91][92] His son Tom died from cancer on November 23, 2013.[93] Clark lived in Greenwich Village in New York City, where he died on April 9, 2021, at age 93.[15]
Works
Clark, Ramsey (1970). Crime in America: Observations on Its Nature Causes Prevention and Control. Simon & Schuster. ISBN 978-067120407-5.
— (1974). Crime and Justice. The Great Contemporary Issues. New York: Arno Press. ISBN 978-040504167-9.
— (1992a). The Fire This Time: U.S. War Crimes in the Gulf. Thunder's Mouth Press. ISBN 978-156025047-0.
— (1992b). War Crimes: A Report on U.S. War Crimes Against Iraq. Maisonneuve Press. ISBN 978-094462415-9.
— (1998). Challenge to Genocide: Let Iraq Live. International Action Center. ISBN 978-096569164-2.
— (2000). NATO in the Balkans: Voices of Opposition. International Action Center. ISBN 978-096569162-8.
— (2002a) [First published 1996]. The Impact of Sanctions on Iraq: The Children Are Dying (2nd ed.). World View Forum. ISBN 978-096569163-5.
— (2002b). "Appendix: On the fiftieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights". Acts of Aggression: Policing "Rogue" States. By Chomsky, Noam; Zangana, Haifa. Seven Stories Press. ISBN 978-158322546-2.
—; Doebbler, Curtis (2011). The Iraqi Special Tribunal: An Abuse of Justice [Draft Report] (Report). Lulu.com. ASIN B08KWYBVZ5.
—; Douglass, Frederick; Danticat, Edwidge; Dupuy, Ben; Laraque, Paul (2010). Chin, Pat; Dunkel, Greg; Flounders, Sara; Ives, Kim (eds.). Haiti: A Slave Revolution: 200 Years After 1804 (Updated ed.). Youth & The Military Education Project (US). ISBN 978-097475214-3.
— (2010). "Torture, the Cruelest of All Human Acts, Is a Crime in America". The Torturer in the Mirror. By Reifer, Thomas Ehrlich; Zangana, Haifa (First ed.). Seven Stories Press. ISBN 978-158322913-2.
See also
Biography portal
List of peace activists
Progressive Party (South Korea, 2017)
Notes
Clark's list of "major aggressions" by the United States:
Regime change in Iran (1953), the Shah replacing democratically elected Mossadegh; Eisenhower (R).
Regime change in Guatemala (1954), military government for democratically elected Arbenz; Eisenhower (R).
Regime change in Republic of the Congo (Léopoldville) (1961), assassination of Patrice Lumumba; Eisenhower (R).
The Vietnam War (1959–1975); Eisenhower (R), Kennedy (D), Johnson (D), Nixon (R).
Invasion of the Dominican Republic (1965); Johnson (D).
The Contras warfare against Nicaragua (1981–1988), resulting in regime change from the Sandinistas to corrupt capitalists; Reagan (R).
Attack and occupation of Grenada (population 110,000)(1983–1987); Reagan (R)
Aerial attack on the sleeping cities of Tripoli and Benghazi, Libya, (1986); Reagan (R).
Invasion of Panama (1989–1990), regime change; George H. W. Bush (R).
Gulf War (1991); George H. W. Bush (R)
"Humanitarian" occupation of Somalia (1992–1993), leading to 10,000 Somali deaths; George H. W. Bush (R) and Clinton (D).
Aerial attacks on Iraq (1993–2001); Bill Clinton (D)
War against Yugoslavia (1999), 23,000 bombs and missiles dropped on Yugoslavia; Clinton (D).
Missile attack in Khartoum (1998), (21 Tomahawk Cruise Missiles) destroying the Al-Shifa pharmaceutical factory which provided the majority of all medicines for Sudan; Clinton (D).
Invasion and occupation of Afghanistan (2001–present), regime change; George W. Bush (R).
War of aggression against Iraq and hostile occupation (2003–present); George W. Bush (R).
Regime change in Haiti (2004), deposing the democratically elected Aristide for years of chaos and systematic killings; George W. Bush (R).
References
"New Atty. General Is Liberal, Soft-Spoken Worker". Jet. Vol. 32, no. 9. Johnson Publishing. June 8, 1967. p. 10. Retrieved April 20, 2022.
Dewhirst, Robert E. (January 1, 2009). "Clark, Ramsey". In Genovese, Michael A. (ed.). Encyclopedia of the American Presidency. Facts on File. pp. 93–94. ISBN 9781438126388. Retrieved April 20, 2022.
McCool, Grant (April 11, 2021). "Ramsey Clark, former U.S. attorney general and human rights activist, dead at 93". Reuters. Retrieved April 11, 2021.
Wildstein, David (February 7, 2021). "3 of 12 living ex-U.S. cabinet secretaries over 90 are from New Jersey". New Jersey Globe. Retrieved April 11, 2021.
"Ramsey Clark (1967–1969)". Miller Center. October 4, 2016. Retrieved January 2, 2019.
"Ancestry of Ramsey Clark". www.wargs.com.
"Ramsey Clark". www.justice.gov. April 13, 2015. Archived from the original on May 2, 2019. Retrieved January 3, 2019.
Supreme Court Justice Tom C. Clark, A Life of Service by Mimi Clark Gronlund, Ramsey Clark, pg. 21
"Diverse Notable Alumni – Diversity & Inclusion". diversity.uchicago.edu.
The Rainbow, vol. 132, no. 2, p. 10.
"USDOJ: Environment and Natural Resources Division 100th Anniversary : Ramsey Clark". September 1, 2009. Archived from the original on September 1, 2009.
"Ramsey Clark". www.justice.gov. April 13, 2015. Archived from the original on May 2, 2019. Retrieved January 3, 2019.
Time Magazine, "The Ramsey Clark Issue", October 18, 1968
"Clark, Tom C." Federal Judicial Center. Retrieved April 11, 2021.
Martin, Douglas (April 10, 2021). "Ramsey Clark, Attorney General and Rebel With a Cause, Dies at 93". The New York Times. Retrieved April 10, 2021.
"Ramsey Clark, attorney general who represented Saddam Hussein, dies at 93". The Guardian. Associated Press. April 11, 2021. Retrieved April 11, 2021.
"Attorney General William Ramsey Clark". United States Department of Justice: Office of the Attorney General. October 23, 2014. Retrieved April 10, 2021.
"Clark, Ramsey, 1927-, Biographical info". LBJ Presidential Library. Retrieved April 11, 2021.
"Notes on People". The New York Times. May 10, 1973. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved April 11, 2021.
Times, J. Anthony Lukas Special to The New York (January 29, 1970). "Chicago 7 Judge Bars Ramsey Clark As Defense Witness". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved April 11, 2021.
"Our Campaigns - US President - D Convention Race - Jul 10, 1972". www.ourcampaigns.com.
"Our Campaigns - US Vice President - D Convention Race - Jul 10, 1972". www.ourcampaigns.com.
"The Iran Hostage Crisis: When Compromise Fails". iranhostagecrisis.net. Retrieved April 11, 2021.
Cumming-Bruce, Nicholas (November 8, 1979). "Tehran". The Washington Post. Retrieved April 11, 2021.
Getlin, Josh (February 18, 1990). "For a Politician, former U.S. Atty. Gen. Ramsey Clark Took a Road Less Traveled--a Hard Left Into the Hotbed of Human Rights Causes : Loner of the Left". The Los Angeles Times. Retrieved April 11, 2021.
Brendan (April 28, 2004). "Clinton Bombs Sudanese Pharmaceutical Plant". ThereItIs.org.
Lacey, Marc (October 20, 2005). "Look at the Place! Sudan Says, 'Say Sorry', but U.S. Won't". The New York Times. Retrieved August 17, 2016.
Gelbspan, Ross (January 22, 1991). "Peace activists express concern about anti-semites in movement". The Boston Globe.
War Crimes: A Report on United States War Crimes Against Iraq to the Commission of Inquiry for the International War Crimes Tribunal Archived February 15, 2013, at the Wayback Machine, by Ramsey Clark and others
The Wisdom Fund, "Former US Attorney General Charges US, British and UN Leaders", November 20, 1996
CJPY, "NATO found guilty", June 10, 2000 Archived September 5, 2008, at the Wayback Machine
John Judis, "The Strange Case of Ramsey Clark," The New Republic, April 22, 1991, pp. 23–29.
"US rebel joins Saddam legal team", news.bbc.co.uk, December 29, 2004
"Cases". Archived from the original on September 7, 2008.
"Chaos mars Saddam court hearing", news.bbc.co.uk, December 5, 2005
"Sticking up for Saddam", Slate.com
Hollander, Paul. From Benito Mussolini to Hugo Chavez: Intellectuals and a Century of Political Hero Worship. p. 272.
"Iraq's Shallow Justice" Human Rights Watch, December 29, 2006
"Hanging After Flawed Trial Undermines Rule of Law" Human Rights Watch, December 30, 2006
"Saddam trial 'flawed and unsound'" news.bbc.co.uk, November 20, 2006
"Saddam trial judge ejects Ramsey Clark". Reuters. January 19, 2007. Retrieved April 11, 2021.
"Balkan scapegoat". Frontline (The Hindu). April 7, 2006. Retrieved April 11, 2021.
"Ramsey Clark's Indictment of George W. Bush on June 15th, 2006". goodworksonearth.org.
"Ex-US attorney general calls for Joma release". Archived from the original on September 3, 2007.
"Ramsey Clark visits Nandigram". The Hindu. November 30, 2007.
"Nandigram says 'No!' to Dow's chemical hub".
"NHRC sends notice to Chief Secretary, West Bengal, on Nandigram incidents: investigation team of the Commission to visit the area". National Human Rights Commission of India. November 12, 2007. Archived from the original on June 24, 2016.
Hossain, Rakeeb; Chaudhuri, Drimi (November 10, 2007). "CPM cadres kill 3 in Nandigram". Archived from the original on April 17, 2008.
PTI (March 14, 2021). "Chose to fight anti-Bengal forces in Nandigram as mark of respect to martyrs: Mamata Banerjee | India News – Times of India". The Times of India. Retrieved April 11, 2021.
Dam, Marcus (December 17, 2007). "Interview: Consumerism and materialism deadlier than armed occupation". The Hindu. Chennai, India. Archived from the original on May 1, 2011.
The U.N.'s Anti-Antiracism Conference, The Wall Street Journal, April 22, 2009.
"The Torturer in the Mirror". Archived from the original on July 12, 2011.
"Horrors in Yemen". Promoting Enduring Peace.
"List of Award Recipients | The Peace Abbey FoundationThe Peace Abbey Foundation".
"Ramsey Clark Adresses Serbian Academic Community". www.oocities.org. Retrieved August 27, 2019.
"Ramsey Clark, the war criminal's best friend". Salon. June 21, 1999. Retrieved August 27, 2019.
"United Nations Human Rights Prize 2008". Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. Retrieved April 11, 2021.
Kevin Coogan, "The International Action Center: 'Peace Activists' with a Secret Agenda," Hit List, November/December 2001.
Coogan, "The International Action Center," Hit List, Nov/Dec 2001.
"Ramsey Clark speaks out against war at college". Archived from the original on December 17, 2005.
"Impeach Bush?". February 26, 2004.
"Former U.S. Attorney General Ramsey Clark Calls For Bush Impeachment". Democracy Now!.
"San Francisco Bay Guardian". Archived from the original on March 3, 2016. Retrieved September 5, 2009.
"ImpeachBush / VoteToImpeach: Articles of Impeachment". January 13, 2009. Archived from the original on January 13, 2009. Retrieved April 11, 2021.
"ImpeachBush / VoteToImpeach". January 5, 2009. Archived from the original on January 5, 2009. Retrieved April 11, 2021.
Dennis J. Bernstein, Ramsey Clark's Long Trek for Justice, Consortium News (March 9, 2013).
Josh Saunders, Ramsey Clark's Prosecution Complex: How did Lyndon Johnson's attorney general come to defend dictators, war criminals, and terrorists?, Legal Affairs (November/December 2003).
"Lawyer: Ex-U.S. attorney general to join Saddam defense". CNN. November 27, 2005.
"Why I'm Willing to Defend Hussein". Archived from the original on January 15, 2007.
"Lori Berenson returning to U.S. after 20 years in Peru" CBS News. Associated Press. November 30, 2015.
Christopher Reed, Obituary: Philip Berrigan, Guardian (December 12, 2002).
"American Charged in El Salvador". New York Times. Associated Press. December 6, 1989.
Casolo Retains Ramsey Clark, Los Angeles Times Wire Services (November 28, 1989).
Josh Getlin, Ramsey Clark's Road Less Traveled: the Former Attorney General Took a Hard Left and Hasn't Looked Back, Los Angeles Times (April 15, 1990).
Michael Hirsley, Saint or Sinner? Jennifer Casolo, Freed From El Salvador, Is Now On The Tour Circuit Archived December 22, 2015, at the Wayback Machine, Chicago Tribune (March 17, 1990).
Hope Viner Samborn, Ruling Could Lead to More Human Rights Tort Cases, ABA Journal (December 1995), p. 30.
Sam Howe Verhovek, 5 Years After Waco Standoff, The Spirit of Koresh Lingers, New York Times (April 19, 1998).
Jury clears US over Waco deaths, BBC News (July 15, 2000).
Lizzy Ratner, Ramsey Clark: Why I'm Taking Saddam's Case, Observer (January 10, 2005).
Margolick, David (June 14, 1991). "The Long and Lonely Journey of Ramsey Clark". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved April 11, 2021.
"Revista Envío - NICARAGUA BRIEFS". www.envio.org.ni. Retrieved April 11, 2021.
"Public Interest Group Files Civil Suit To Overturn All U.S. Marijuana Laws | News | The Harvard Crimson". www.thecrimson.com. Retrieved April 11, 2021.
"NORML 1981 - Drug Legalization". www.nationalfamilies.org. Archived from the original on September 25, 2021. Retrieved April 11, 2021.
"Chief behind bars". The Guardian. July 10, 1999. Retrieved April 11, 2021.
"Ramsey Clark, the war criminal's best friend". Salon. June 21, 1999. Retrieved April 11, 2021.
Cenziper, Debbie (January 28, 2020). "How a Red Army Officer-Turned-Nazi Recruit Made America His Home". HistoryNet. Retrieved April 11, 2021.
"Liberia ex-leader Charles Taylor get 50 years in jail". BBC News. May 30, 2012. Retrieved April 11, 2021.
"Judge Real's Sanctions Against Lawyer Killed but Feud Goes On". Los Angeles Times. November 29, 1991. Retrieved April 11, 2021.
"Attorney Sanctioned for Criticizing Judge : Courts: Panel finds that civil rights lawyer Stephen Yagman tried to force jurist to take himself off cases. He could face reprimand, suspension or other discipline". Los Angeles Times. May 20, 1994. Retrieved April 11, 2021.
Sinha-Roy, Piya (October 25, 2019). "Aaron Sorkin's 'The Trial of the Chicago 7' Adds Michael Keaton, Sets September 2020 Release". The Hollywood Reporter. Archived from the original on November 13, 2020. Retrieved October 25, 2019.
"Deaths Clark, Georgia Welch". The New York Times. July 6, 2010. Retrieved June 6, 2011.
"Death Notices: Georgia Welch Clark". The New York Times. July 6, 2010.
Barnes, Bart (December 23, 2013). "Tom C. Clark II, environmental lawyer, dies at 59". The Washington Post.
Further reading
Citizen Clark: A Life of Principle – documentary film on the life of former U.S. Attorney General Ramsey Clark (2018, 95 minutes)
Victor Navasky, "In memoriam Ramsesy Clark (1927–2021): The former US attorney general was sui generis", The Nation, vol. 312, no. 10 (17/24 May 2021), p. 6.
Wohl, Alexander (2013). Father, Son, and Constitution: How Justice Tom Clark and Attorney General Ramsey Clark Shaped American Democracy. University Press of Kansas. ISBN 978-070061916-0.
The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/
Checkpoint Charlie (or "Checkpoint C") was the best-known Berlin Wall crossing point between East Berlin and West Berlin during the Cold War (1947–1991), as named by the Western Allies.[1]
East German leader Walter Ulbricht agitated and maneuvered to get the Soviet Union's permission to construct the Berlin Wall in 1961 to stop emigration and defection westward through the Border system, preventing escape across the city sector border from East Berlin into West Berlin. Checkpoint Charlie became a symbol of the Cold War, representing the separation of East and West. Soviet and American tanks briefly faced each other at the location during the Berlin Crisis of 1961. On 26 June 1963, U.S. President John F. Kennedy visited Checkpoint Charlie and looked from a platform onto the Berlin Wall and into East Berlin.[2]
After the dissolution of the Eastern Bloc and the reunification of Germany, the American guard house at Checkpoint Charlie became a tourist attraction. It is now located in the Allied Museum in the Dahlem neighborhood of Berlin.
Background
Sign at Checkpoint Charlie on the way into West Berlin, as it appeared in 1981
Emigration restrictions, the Inner German border and Berlin
Further information: Eastern Bloc emigration and defection and Inner German border
By the early 1950s, the Soviet method of restricting emigration was emulated by most of the rest of the Eastern Bloc, including East Germany.[3] However, in occupied Germany, until 1952, the lines between East Germany and the western occupied zones remained easily crossed in most places.[4] Subsequently, the inner German border between the two German states was closed and a barbed-wire fence erected.
Even after closing of the inner German border officially in 1952,[5] the city sector border in between East Berlin and West Berlin remained considerably more accessible than the rest of the border because it was administered by all four occupying powers.[4] Accordingly, Berlin became the main route by which East Germans left for the West.[6] Hence the Berlin sector border was essentially a "loophole" through which Eastern Bloc citizens could still escape.[5]
The 3.5 million East Germans who had left by 1961 totaled approximately 20% of the entire East German population.[7] The emigrants tended to be young and well educated.[8] The loss was disproportionately great among professionals — engineers, technicians, physicians, teachers, lawyers and skilled workers.[7]
Berlin Wall constructed
Main articles: Eastern Bloc emigration and defection and Berlin Wall
The brain drain of professionals had become so damaging to the political credibility and economic viability of East Germany that the resecuring of the Soviet imperial frontier was imperative.[9] Between 1949 and 1961, over 2½ million East Germans fled to the West.[10] The numbers increased during the three years before the Berlin Wall was erected,[10] with 144,000 in 1959, 199,000 in 1960 and 207,000 in the first seven months of 1961 alone.[10][11] The East German economy suffered accordingly.[11]
On 13 August 1961, a barbed-wire barrier that would become the Berlin Wall separating East and West Berlin was erected by the East Germans.[9] Two days later, police and army engineers began to construct a more permanent concrete wall.[12] Along with the wall, the 830-mile (1336 km) zonal border became 3.5 miles (5.6 km) wide on its East German side in some parts of Germany with a tall steel-mesh fence running along a "death strip" bordered by mines, as well as channels of ploughed earth, to slow escapees and more easily reveal their footprints.[13]
Checkpoint
Soviet Zone from Checkpoint Charlie observation post, 1982
Checkpoint Charlie was a crossing point in the Berlin Wall located at the junction of Friedrichstraße with Zimmerstraße and Mauerstraße (which for older historical reasons coincidentally means 'Wall Street'). It is in the Friedrichstadt neighborhood. Checkpoint Charlie was designated as the single crossing point (on foot or by car) for foreigners and members of the Allied forces. (Members of the Allied forces were not allowed to use the other sector crossing point designated for use by foreigners, the Friedrichstraße railway station).[citation needed]
The name 'Charlie' came from the letter C in the NATO phonetic alphabet; similarly for other Allied checkpoints on the Autobahn from the West: Checkpoint Alpha at Helmstedt and its counterpart Checkpoint Bravo at Dreilinden, Wannsee in the south-west corner of Berlin. The Soviets simply called it the Friedrichstraße Crossing Point (КПП Фридрихштрассе, KPP Fridrikhshtrasse). The East Germans referred officially to Checkpoint Charlie as the Grenzübergangsstelle ("Border Crossing Point") Friedrich-/Zimmerstraße.[citation needed]
As the most visible Berlin Wall checkpoint, Checkpoint Charlie was featured in movies[14] and books. A famous cafe and viewing place for Allied officials, armed forces and visitors alike, Cafe Adler ("Eagle Café"), was situated right on the checkpoint.
The development of the infrastructure around the checkpoint was largely asymmetrical, reflecting the contrary priorities of East German and Western border authorities. During its 28-year active life, the infrastructure on the Eastern side was expanded to include not only the wall, watchtower and zig-zag barriers, but a multi-lane shed where cars and their occupants were checked. However, the Allied authority never erected any permanent buildings. A wooden shed used as the guard house was replaced during the 1980s by a larger metal structure, now displayed at the Allied Museum in western Berlin. Their reasoning was that they did not consider the inner Berlin sector boundary an international border and did not treat it as such.[citation needed]
Related incidents
Stand-off between Soviet and U.S. tanks in October 1961
Main article: Berlin Crisis of 1961
US M48 Patton tanks facing Soviet T-54 tanks at Checkpoint Charlie in October 1961
Soon after the construction of the Berlin Wall in August 1961, a stand-off occurred between US and Soviet tanks on either side of Checkpoint Charlie. It began on 22 October as a dispute over whether East German border guards were authorized to examine the travel documents of a US diplomat based in West Berlin named Allan Lightner heading to East Berlin to watch an opera show there, since according to the agreement between all four Allied powers occupying Germany, there was to be free movement for Allied forces in Berlin and that no German military forces from either West Germany or East Germany were to be based in the city, and moreover the Western Allies did not (initially) recognise the East German state and its right to remain in its self-declared capital of East Berlin. Instead, Allied forces only recognised the authority of the Soviets over East Berlin rather than their East German allies. By 27 October, ten Soviet and an equal number of American tanks stood 100 yards apart on either side of the checkpoint. This stand-off ended peacefully on 28 October following a US-Soviet understanding to withdraw tanks and reduce tensions. Discussions between US Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy and KGB[citation needed] spy Georgi Bolshakov played a vital role in realizing this tacit agreement.[15]
Early escapes
The Berlin Wall was erected with great speed by the East German government in 1961, but there were initially many means of escape that had not been anticipated. For example, Checkpoint Charlie was initially blocked only by a gate, and a citizen of the GDR (East Germany) smashed a car through it to escape, so a strong pole was erected. Another escapee approached the barrier in a convertible, the windscreen removed prior to the event, and slipped under the barrier. This was repeated two weeks later, so the East Germans duly lowered the barrier and added uprights.[16]
Death of Peter Fechter
On 17 August 1962, a teenaged East German, Peter Fechter, was shot in the pelvis by East German guards while trying to escape from East Berlin. His body lay tangled in a barbed wire fence as he bled to death in full view of the world's media. He could not be rescued from West Berlin because he was a few metres inside the Soviet sector. East German border guards were reluctant to approach him for fear of provoking Western soldiers, one of whom had shot an East German border guard just days earlier. More than an hour later, Fechter's body was removed by the East German guards. A spontaneous demonstration formed on the American side of the checkpoint, protesting against the action of the East and the inaction of the West.[17]
A few days later, a crowd threw stones at Soviet buses driving towards the Soviet War Memorial, located in the Tiergarten in the British sector; the Soviets tried to escort the buses with armoured personnel carriers (APCs). Thereafter, the Soviets were only allowed to cross via the Sandkrug Bridge crossing (which was the nearest to Tiergarten) and were prohibited from bringing APCs. Western units were deployed in the middle of the night in early September with live armaments and vehicles, in order to enforce the ban.[citation needed]
Today: Tourist and memorial site
On the night of 9 November 1989 when a part of the Wall was opened
Although the wall was opened in November 1989 and the checkpoint booth removed on 22 June 1990,[18] the checkpoint remained an official crossing for foreigners and diplomats until German reunification in October 1990.
Checkpoint Charlie has since become one of Berlin's primary tourist attractions, where some original remnants of the border crossing blend with reconstructed parts, memorial and tourist facilities.
The guard house on the American side was removed in 1990; it is now on display in the open-air museum of the Allied Museum in Berlin-Zehlendorf.[19] A copy of the guard house and the sign that once marked the border crossing was reconstructed later on roughly the same site. It resembles the first guard house erected during 1961, behind a sandbag barrier toward the border. Over the years this was replaced several times by guard houses of different sizes and layouts (see photographs). The one removed in 1990 was considerably larger than the first one and did not have sandbags. Tourists used to be able to have their photographs taken for a fee with actors dressed as allied military police standing in front of the guard house but Berlin authorities banned the practice in November 2019 stating the actors had been exploiting tourists by demanding money for photos at the attraction.[citation needed]
The course of the former wall and border is now marked in the street with a line of cobblestones.[citation needed]
Former Berlin Wall marker
An open-air exhibition was opened during the summer of 2006. Gallery walls along Friedrichstraße and Zimmerstraße give information about escape attempts, how the checkpoint was expanded, and its significance during the Cold War, in particular the confrontation of Soviet and American tanks in 1961. Also, an overview of other important memorial sites and museums about the division of Germany and the wall is presented.[citation needed]
Developers demolished the East German checkpoint watchtower in 2000, to make way for offices and shops. The watchtower was the last surviving major original Checkpoint Charlie structure. The city tried to save the tower but failed, as it was not classified as a historic landmark.[citation needed] Yet, that development project was never realised. To this day,[when?] the area between Zimmerstraße and Mauerstraße/Schützenstraße (the East German side of the border crossing) remains vacant, providing space for a number of temporary tourist and memorial uses. New plans since 2017 for a hotel on the site stirred a professional and political debate about appropriate development of the area. After the final listing of the site as a protected heritage area in 2018, plans were changed towards a more heritage-friendly approach.[20]
BlackBox Cold War Exhibition
The "BlackBox Cold War" exhibition has illuminated the division of Germany and Berlin since 2012. The free open-air exhibition offers original Berlin Wall segments and information about the historic site. However, the indoor exhibition (entrance fee required) illustrates Berlin's contemporary history with 16 media stations, a movie theatre and original objects and documents. It is run by the NGO Berliner Forum fuer Geschichte und Gegenwart e.V..[21]
Checkpoint Charlie Museum
Checkpoint Charlie Museum
Near the location of the guard house is the Haus am Checkpoint Charlie. The "Mauermuseum - Museum Haus am Checkpoint Charlie" was opened on 14 June 1963[citation needed] in the immediate vicinity of the Berlin Wall. It shows photographs and fragments related to the separation of Germany. The border fortifications and the "assistance of the protecting powers" are illustrated. In addition to photos and documentation of successful escape attempts, the exhibition also showcases escape devices including a hot-air balloon, escape cars, chair lifts, and a mini-submarine.
From October 2004 until July 2005, the Freedom Memorial, consisting of original wall segments and 1,067 commemorative crosses, stood on a leased site.[22][23]
The museum is operated by the Arbeitsgemeinschaft 13. August e. V., a registered association founded by Dr. Rainer Hildebrandt. The director is Alexandra Hildebrandt, the founder's widow. The museum is housed in part in the "House at Checkpoint Charlie" building by architect Peter Eisenman.[citation needed]
With 850,000 visitors in 2007, the Checkpoint Charlie Museum is one of the most visited museums in Berlin and in Germany.[24]
In popular culture
Checkpoint Charlie figures in numerous Cold War-era espionage and political novels and films. Some examples:
James Bond (played by Roger Moore) passed through Checkpoint Charlie in the film Octopussy (1983) from West to East.[25]
Checkpoint Charlie is featured in the opening scene of the 1965 film The Spy Who Came in from the Cold (starring Richard Burton and Claire Bloom), based on the John le Carré novel of the same name.
In the feature film Bridge of Spies, imprisoned American student Frederic Pryor is released at Checkpoint Charlie as part of a deal to trade Pryor and U-2 pilot Francis Gary Powers for convicted Soviet spy Rudolf Abel. Pryor's release happens offscreen while the trade of Powers for Abel takes place at the Glienicke Bridge.
It was depicted in the opening scene of the film The Man from U.N.C.L.E (2015).
The 1985 film Gotcha! includes a scene where the protagonist (Anthony Edwards) transits through Checkpoint Charlie into West Berlin.
Elvis Costello mentions Checkpoint Charlie in his hit song "Oliver's Army".[26]
See also
List of tourist attractions in Berlin
References
"A brief history of Checkpoint Charlie". Archived from the original on 19 March 2022. Retrieved 19 March 2022.
Andreas Daum, Kennedy in Berlin. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008, pp. 134‒35.
Dowty 1989, p. 114
Dowty 1989, p. 121
Harrison 2003, p. 99
Maddrell, Paul (2006). Spying on Science: Western Intelligence in Divided Germany 1945–1961. Oxford University Press. pp. 56. ISBN 978-0-19-926750-7.
Dowty 1989, p. 122
Thackeray 2004, p. 188
Pearson 1998, p. 75
Gedmin, Jeffrey (1992). "The Dilemma of Legitimacy". The hidden hand: Gorbachev and the collapse of East Germany. AEI studies. Vol. 554. American Enterprise Institute. p. 35. ISBN 978-0-8447-3794-2.
Dowty 1989, p. 123
Dowty 1989, p. 124
Black et al. 2000, p. 141
Blau, Christine (6 November 2014). "Insider's Guide to Cold War Berlin". National Geographic. Archived from the original on 20 October 2022. Retrieved 2 November 2018.
Kempe, Frederick (2011). Berlin 1961. Penguin Group (USA). pp. 478–479. ISBN 978-0-399-15729-5.
Dearden, Lizzie (7 November 2014). "Berlin Wall: What You Need To Know About the Barrier That Divided East and West". The Independent. Archived from the original on 4 April 2018. Retrieved 16 September 2017.
"Media battle ensues following the death of Peter Fechter". www.axelspringer.com. Retrieved 6 September 2023.
"June 22, 1990: Checkpoint Charlie Closes". ABC News. Archived from the original on 2 February 2012. Retrieved 21 June 2011.
"Allied Museum Berlin". Archived from the original on 21 June 2008.
Eddy, Melissa (5 February 2019). "At Checkpoint Charlie, Cold War History Confronts Crass Commercialism". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 11 February 2019. Retrieved 11 February 2019.
"Black Box Cold War". www.berlin.de. 25 May 2016. Archived from the original on 15 October 2019. Retrieved 15 October 2019.
"Berlin Council Targets 'Checkpoint Charlie' Memorial". NPR. Archived from the original on 26 January 2018. Retrieved 5 April 2018.
Checkpoint Charlie: Between Memorials and Snack Bars. In: Sites of Unity (Haus der Geschichte), 2022.
"Museen in Berlin: Die Top Ten – 4. Platz 4: Mauermuseum - Haus am Checkpoint Charly". www.berlin.de. 4 July 2014. Archived from the original on 7 November 2017. Retrieved 6 November 2017.
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Elvis Costello – Oliver's Army, retrieved 7 January 2023
Sources
Black, Cyril E.; English, Robert D.; Helmreich, Jonathan E.; McAdams, James A. (2000), Rebirth: A Political History of Europe since World War II, Westview Press, ISBN 0-8133-3664-3
Daum, Andreas, Kennedy in Berlin. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008, ISBN 978-0-521-85824-3.
Dowty, Alan (1989), Closed Borders: The Contemporary Assault on Freedom of Movement, Yale University Press, ISBN 0-300-04498-4
Dowty, Alan (1988), "The Assault on Freedom of Emigration", World Affairs, 151 (2)
Harrison, Hope Millard (2003), Driving the Soviets Up the Wall: Soviet-East German Relations, 1953–1961, Princeton University Press, ISBN 0-691-09678-3
Pearson, Raymond (1998), The Rise and Fall of the Soviet Empire, Macmillan, ISBN 0-312-17407-1
Thackeray, Frank W. (2004), Events that changed Germany, Greenwood Publishing Group, ISBN 0-313-32814-5
The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/
Counterintelligence (counter-intelligence) or counterespionage (counter-espionage) is any activity aimed at protecting an agency's intelligence program from an opposition's intelligence service.[1] It includes gathering information and conducting activities to prevent espionage, sabotage, assassinations or other intelligence activities conducted by, for, or on behalf of foreign powers, organizations or persons.
Many countries will have multiple organizations focusing on a different aspect of counterintelligence, such as domestic, international, and counter-terrorism. Some states will formalize it as part of the police structure, such as the United States' Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI). Others will establish independent bodies, such as the United Kingdom's MI5, others have both intelligence and counterintelligence grouped under the same agency, like the Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS).
History
Political cartoon depicting the Afghan Emir Sher Ali with his "friends" the Russian Bear and British Lion (1878). The Great Game saw the rise of systematic espionage and surveillance throughout the region by both powers
Modern tactics of espionage and dedicated government intelligence agencies developed over the course of the late-19th century. A key background to this development was The Great Game – the strategic rivalry and conflict between the British Empire and the Russian Empire throughout Central Asia between 1830 and 1895. To counter Russian ambitions in the region and the potential threat it posed to the British position in India, the Indian Civil Service built up a system of surveillance, intelligence and counterintelligence. The existence of this shadowy conflict was popularized in Rudyard Kipling's famous spy book, Kim (1901), where he portrayed the Great Game (a phrase Kipling popularized) as an espionage and intelligence conflict that "never ceases, day or night".[2]
The establishment of dedicated intelligence and counterintelligence organizations had much to do with the colonial rivalries between the major European powers and to the accelerating development of military technology. As espionage became more widely used, it became imperative to expand the role of existing police and internal security forces into a role of detecting and countering foreign spies. The Evidenzbureau (founded in the Austrian Empire in 1850) had the role from the late-19th century of countering the actions of the Pan-Slavist movement operating out of Serbia.
After the fallout from the Dreyfus affair of 1894–1906 in France, responsibility for French military counter-espionage passed in 1899 to the Sûreté générale—an agency originally responsible for order enforcement and public safety—and overseen by the Ministry of the Interior.[3]
The Okhrana, founded in 1880, had the task of countering enemy espionage against Imperial Russia. St. Petersburg Okhrana group photo, 1905
The Okhrana[4] initially formed in 1880 to combat political terrorism and left-wing revolutionary activity throughout the Russian Empire, was also tasked with countering enemy espionage.[5] Its main concern was the activities of revolutionaries, who often worked and plotted subversive actions from abroad. It set up a branch in Paris, run by Pyotr Rachkovsky, to monitor their activities. The agency used many methods to achieve its goals, including covert operations, undercover agents, and "perlustration"—the interception and reading of private correspondence. The Okhrana became notorious for its use of agents provocateurs, who often succeeded in penetrating the activities of revolutionary groups – including the Bolsheviks.[6]
Integrated counterintelligence agencies run directly by governments were also established. The British government founded the Secret Service Bureau in 1909 as the first independent and interdepartmental agency fully in control over all government counterintelligence activities.
Due to intense lobbying from William Melville and after he obtained German mobilization plans and proof of their financial support to the Boers, the British government authorized the formation of a new intelligence section in the War Office, MO3 (subsequently redesignated MO5) headed by Melville, in 1903. Working under-cover from a flat in London, Melville ran both counterintelligence and foreign intelligence operations, capitalizing on the knowledge and foreign contacts he had accumulated during his years running Special Branch.
Due to its success, the Government Committee on Intelligence, with support from Richard Haldane and Winston Churchill, established the Secret Service Bureau in 1909 as a joint initiative of the Admiralty, the War Office and the Foreign Office to control secret intelligence operations in the UK and overseas, particularly concentrating on the activities of the Imperial German government. Its first director was Captain Sir George Mansfield Smith-Cumming alias "C".[7] The Secret Service Bureau was split into a foreign and counter-intelligence domestic service in 1910. The latter, headed by Sir Vernon Kell, originally aimed at calming public fears of large-scale German espionage.[8] As the Service was not authorized with police powers, Kell liaised extensively with the Special Branch of Scotland Yard (headed by Basil Thomson), and succeeded in disrupting the work of Indian revolutionaries collaborating with the Germans during the war. Instead of a system whereby rival departments and military services would work on their own priorities with little to no consultation or cooperation with each other, the newly established Secret Intelligence Service was interdepartmental, and submitted its intelligence reports to all relevant government departments.[9]
For the first time, governments had access to peacetime, centralized independent intelligence and counterintelligence bureaucracy with indexed registries and defined procedures, as opposed to the more ad hoc methods used previously.
Categories
Collective counterintelligence is gaining information about an opponent's intelligence collection capabilities whose aim is at an entity.
Defensive counterintelligence is thwarting efforts by hostile intelligence services to penetrate the service.
Offensive counterintelligence is having identified an opponent's efforts against the system, trying to manipulate these attacks by either "turning" the opponent's agents into double agents or feeding them false information to report.[10]
Counterintelligence, counterterror, and government
Many governments organize counterintelligence agencies separately and distinct from their intelligence collection services. In most countries the counterintelligence mission is spread over multiple organizations, though one usually predominates. There is usually a domestic counterintelligence service, usually part of a larger law enforcement organization such as the Federal Bureau of Investigation in the United States.[11]
The United Kingdom has the separate Security Service, also known as MI5, which does not have direct police powers but works closely with law enforcement especially Special Branch that can carry out arrests, do searches with a warrant, etc.[12]
The Russian Federation's major domestic security organization is the FSB, which principally came from the Second Chief Directorate and Third Chief Directorate of the USSR's KGB.
Canada separates the functions of general defensive counterintelligence (contre-ingérence), security intelligence (the intelligence preparation necessary to conduct offensive counterintelligence), law enforcement intelligence, and offensive counterintelligence.
Military organizations have their own counterintelligence forces, capable of conducting protective operations both at home and when deployed abroad.[13] Depending on the country, there can be various mixtures of civilian and military in foreign operations. For example, while offensive counterintelligence is a mission of the US CIA's National Clandestine Service, defensive counterintelligence is a mission of the U.S. Diplomatic Security Service (DSS), Department of State, who work on protective security for personnel and information processed abroad at US Embassies and Consulates.[14]
The term counter-espionage is really specific to countering HUMINT, but, since virtually all offensive counterintelligence involves exploiting human sources, the term "offensive counterintelligence" is used here to avoid some ambiguous phrasing.
Other countries also deal with the proper organization of defenses against Foreign Intelligence Services (FIS), often with separate services with no common authority below the head of government.
France, for example, builds its domestic counterterror in a law enforcement framework. In France, a senior anti-terror magistrate is in charge of defense against terrorism. French magistrates have multiple functions that overlap US and UK functions of investigators, prosecutors, and judges. An anti-terror magistrate may call upon France's domestic intelligence service Direction générale de la sécurité intérieure (DGSI), which may work with the Direction générale de la sécurité extérieure (DGSE), foreign intelligence service.
Spain gives its Interior Ministry, with military support, the leadership in domestic counterterrorism. For international threats, the National Intelligence Center (CNI) has responsibility. CNI, which reports directly to the Prime Minister, is staffed principally by which is subordinated directly to the Prime Minister's office. After the March 11, 2004 Madrid train bombings, the national investigation found problems between the Interior Ministry and CNI, and, as a result, the National Anti-Terrorism Coordination Center was created. Spain's 3/11 Commission called for this center to do operational coordination as well as information collection and dissemination.[15] The military has organic counterintelligence to meet specific military needs.
Counterintelligence missions
Frank Wisner, a well-known CIA operations executive said of the autobiography of Director of Central Intelligence Allen W. Dulles,[16] that Dulles "disposes of the popular misconception that counterintelligence is essentially a negative and responsive activity, that it moves only or chiefly in reaction to situations thrust upon it and in counter to initiatives mounted by the opposition." Rather, he sees that can be most effective, both in information gathering and protecting friendly intelligence services, when it creatively but vigorously attacks the "structure and personnel of hostile intelligence services."[17] Today's counterintelligence missions have broadened from the time when the threat was restricted to the foreign intelligence services (FIS) under the control of nation-states. Threats have broadened to include threats from non-national or trans-national groups, including internal insurgents, organized crime, and transnational based groups (often called "terrorists", but that is limiting). Still, the FIS term remains the usual way of referring to the threat against which counterintelligence protects.
In modern practice, several missions are associated with counterintelligence from the national to the field level.
Defensive analysis is the practice of looking for vulnerabilities in one's own organization, and, with due regard for risk versus benefit, closing the discovered holes.
Offensive counterespionage is the set of techniques that at least neutralizes discovered FIS personnel and arrests them or, in the case of diplomats, expels them by declaring them persona non grata. Beyond that minimum, it exploits FIS personnel to gain intelligence for one's own side, or actively manipulates the FIS personnel to damage the hostile FIS organization.
Counterintelligence force protection source operations (CFSO) are human source operations, conducted abroad that are intended to fill the existing gap in national-level coverage in protecting a field station or force from terrorism and espionage.
Counterintelligence is part of intelligence cycle security, which, in turn, is part of intelligence cycle management. A variety of security disciplines also fall under intelligence security management and complement counterintelligence, including:
Physical security
Personnel security
Communications security (COMSEC)
Informations system security (INFOSEC)
security classification
Operations security (OPSEC)
The disciplines involved in "positive security," measures by which one's own society collects information on its actual or potential security, complement security. For example, when communications intelligence identifies a particular radio transmitter as one used only by a particular country, detecting that transmitter inside one's own country suggests the presence of a spy that counterintelligence should target. In particular, counterintelligence has a significant relationship with the collection discipline of HUMINT and at least some relationship with the others. Counterintelligence can both produce information and protect it.
All US departments and agencies with intelligence functions are responsible for their own security abroad, except those that fall under Chief of Mission authority.[18]
Governments try to protect three things:
Their personnel
Their installations
Their operations
In many governments, the responsibility for protecting these things is split. Historically, CIA assigned responsibility for protecting its personnel and operations to its Office of Security, while it assigned the security of operations to multiple groups within the Directorate of Operations: the counterintelligence staff and the area (or functional) unit, such as Soviet Russia Division. At one point, the counterintelligence unit operated quite autonomously, under the direction of James Jesus Angleton. Later, operational divisions had subordinate counterintelligence branches, as well as a smaller central counterintelligence staff. Aldrich Ames was in the Counterintelligence Branch of Europe Division, where he was responsible for directing the analysis of Soviet intelligence operations. US military services have had a similar and even more complex split.
This kind of division clearly requires close coordination, and this in fact occurs on a daily basis. The interdependence of the US counterintelligence community is also manifest in its relationships with liaison services. The counterintelligence community cannot cut off these relationships because of concern about security, but experience has shown that it must calculate the risks involved.[18]
On the other side of the CI coin, counterespionage has one purpose that transcends all others in importance: penetration. The emphasis which the KGB places on penetration is evident in the cases already discussed from the defensive or security viewpoint. The best security system in the world cannot provide an adequate defense against it because the technique involves people. The only way to be sure that an enemy has been contained is to know his plans in advance and in detail.
Moreover, only a high-level penetration of the opposition can tell you whether your own service is penetrated. A high-level defector can also do this, but the adversary knows that he defected and within limits can take remedial action. Conducting CE without the aid of penetrations is like fighting in the dark. Conducting CE with penetrations can be like shooting fish in a barrel.[18]
In the British service, the cases of the Cambridge Five, and the later suspicions about MI5 chief Sir Roger Hollis caused great internal dissension. Clearly, the British were penetrated by Philby, but it has never been determined, in any public forum, if there were other serious penetrations. In the US service, there was also significant disruption over the contradictory accusations about moles from defectors Anatoliy Golitsyn and Yuri Nosenko, and their respective supporters in CIA and the British Security Service (MI5). Golitsyn was generally believed by Angleton. George Kisevalter, the CIA operations officer that was the CIA side of the joint US-UK handling of Oleg Penkovsky, did not believe Angleton's theory that Nosenko was a KGB plant. Nosenko had exposed John Vassall, a KGB asset principally in the British Admiralty, but there were arguments Vassall was a KGB sacrifice to protect other operations, including Nosenko and a possibly more valuable source on the Royal Navy.
Defensive counterintelligence
Defensive counterintelligence starts by looking for places in one's own organization that could easily be exploited by foreign intelligence services (FIS). FIS is an established term of art in the counterintelligence community, and, in today's world, "foreign" is shorthand for "opposing." Opposition might indeed be a country, but it could be a transnational group or an internal insurgent group. Operations against a FIS might be against one's own nation, or another friendly nation. The range of actions that might be done to support a friendly government can include a wide range of functions, certainly including military or counterintelligence activities, but also humanitarian aid and aid to development ("nation building").[19]
Terminology here is still emerging, and "transnational group" could include not only terrorist groups but also transnational criminal organization. Transnational criminal organizations include the drug trade, money laundering, extortion targeted against computer or communications systems, smuggling, etc.
"Insurgent" could be a group opposing a recognized government by criminal or military means, as well as conducting clandestine intelligence and covert operations against the government in question, which could be one's own or a friendly one.
Counterintelligence and counterterrorism analyses provide strategic assessments of foreign intelligence and terrorist groups and prepare tactical options for ongoing operations and investigations. Counterespionage may involve proactive acts against foreign intelligence services, such as double agents, deception, or recruiting foreign intelligence officers. While clandestine HUMINT sources can give the greatest insight into the adversary's thinking, they may also be most vulnerable to the adversary's attacks on one's own organization. Before trusting an enemy agent, remember that such people started out as being trusted by their own countries and may still be loyal to that country.
Offensive counterintelligence operations
Wisner emphasized his own, and Dulles', views that the best defense against foreign attacks on, or infiltration of, intelligence services is active measures against those hostile services.[17] This is often called counterespionage: measures taken to detect enemy espionage or physical attacks against friendly intelligence services, prevent damage and information loss, and, where possible, to turn the attempt back against its originator. Counterespionage goes beyond being reactive and actively tries to subvert hostile intelligence service, by recruiting agents in the foreign service, by discrediting personnel actually loyal to their own service, and taking away resources that would be useful to the hostile service. All of these actions apply to non-national threats as well as to national organizations.
If the hostile action is in one's own country or in a friendly one with co-operating police, the hostile agents may be arrested, or, if diplomats, declared persona non grata. From the perspective of one's own intelligence service, exploiting the situation to the advantage of one's side is usually preferable to arrest or actions that might result in the death of the threat. The intelligence priority sometimes comes into conflict with the instincts of one's own law enforcement organizations, especially when the foreign threat combines foreign personnel with citizens of one's country.
In some circumstances, arrest may be a first step in which the prisoner is given the choice of co-operating or facing severe consequence up to and including a death sentence for espionage. Co-operation may consist of telling all one knows about the other service but preferably actively assisting in deceptive actions against the hostile service.
Counterintelligence protection of intelligence services
Defensive counterintelligence specifically for intelligence services involves risk assessment of their culture, sources, methods and resources. Risk management must constantly reflect those assessments, since effective intelligence operations are often risk-taking. Even while taking calculated risks, the services need to mitigate risk with appropriate countermeasures.
FIS are especially able to explore open societies and, in that environment, have been able to subvert insiders in the intelligence community. Offensive counterespionage is the most powerful tool for finding penetrators and neutralizing them, but it is not the only tool. Understanding what leads individuals to turn on their own side is the focus of Project Slammer. Without undue violations of personal privacy, systems can be developed to spot anomalous behavior, especially in the use of information systems.
Decision makers require intelligence free from hostile control or manipulation. Since every intelligence discipline is subject to manipulation by our adversaries, validating the reliability of intelligence from all collection platforms is essential. Accordingly, each counterintelligence organization will validate the reliability of sources and methods that relate to the counterintelligence mission in accordance with common standards. For other mission areas, the USIC will examine collection, analysis, dissemination practices, and other intelligence activities and will recommend improvements, best practices, and common standards.[20]
Intelligence is vulnerable not only to external but also to internal threats. Subversion, treason, and leaks expose vulnerabilities, governmental and commercial secrets, and intelligence sources and methods. The insider threat has been a source of extraordinary damage to US national security, as with Aldrich Ames, Robert Hanssen, and Edward Lee Howard, all of whom had access to major clandestine activities. Had an electronic system to detect anomalies in browsing through counterintelligence files been in place, Robert Hanssen's searches for suspicion of activities of his Soviet (and later Russian) paymasters might have surfaced early. Anomalies might simply show that an especially-creative analyst has a trained intuition possible connections and is trying to research them.
Adding the new tools and techniques to [national arsenals], the counterintelligence community will seek to manipulate foreign spies, conduct aggressive investigations, make arrests and, where foreign officials are involved, expel them for engaging in practices inconsistent with their diplomatic status or exploit them as an unwitting channel for deception, or turn them into witting double agents.[20] "Witting" is a term of intelligence art that indicates that one is not only aware of a fact or piece of information but also aware of its connection to intelligence activities.
Victor Suvorov, the pseudonym of a former Soviet military intelligence (GRU) officer, makes the point that a defecting HUMINT officer is a special threat to walk-in or other volunteer assets of the country that he is leaving. Volunteers who are "warmly welcomed" do not take into consideration the fact that they are despised by hostile intelligence agents.
The Soviet operational officer, having seen a great deal of the ugly face of communism, very frequently feels the utmost repulsion to those who sell themselves to it willingly. And when a GRU or KGB officer decides to break with his criminal organization, something which fortunately happens quite often, the first thing he will do is try to expose the hated volunteer.[21]
Counterintelligence force protection source operations
Attacks against military, diplomatic, and related facilities are a very real threat, as demonstrated by the 1983 attacks against French and US peacekeepers in Beirut, the 1996 attack on the Khobar Towers in Saudi Arabia, 1998 attacks on Colombian bases and on U.S. embassies (and local buildings) in Kenya and Tanzania the 2000 attack on the USS Cole, and many others. The U.S. military force protection measures are the set of actions taken against military personnel and family members, resources, facilities and critical information, and most countries have a similar doctrine for protecting those facilities and conserving the potential of the forces. Force protection is defined to be a defense against deliberate attack, not accidents or natural disasters.
Counterintelligence Force Protection Source Operations (CFSO) are human source operations, normally clandestine in nature, conducted abroad that are intended to fill the existing gap in national level coverage, as well as satisfying the combatant commander's intelligence requirements.[22] Military police and other patrols that mingle with local people may indeed be valuable HUMINT sources for counterintelligence awareness, but are not themselves likely to be CFSOs. Gleghorn distinguishes between the protection of national intelligence services, and the intelligence needed to provide combatant commands with the information they need for force protection. There are other HUMINT sources, such as military reconnaissance patrols that avoid mixing with foreign personnel, that indeed may provide HUMINT, but not HUMINT especially relevant to counterintelligence.[23] Active countermeasures, whether for force protection, protection of intelligence services, or protection of national security interests, are apt to involve HUMINT disciplines, for the purpose of detecting FIS agents, involving screening and debriefing of non-tasked human sources, also called casual or incidental sources. such as:
walk-ins and write-ins (individuals who volunteer information)
unwitting sources (any individual providing useful information to counterintelligence, who in the process of divulging such information may not know they are aiding an investigation)
defectors and enemy prisoners of war (EPW)
refugee populations and expatriates
interviewees (individuals contacted in the course of an investigation)
official liaison sources.
Physical security is important, but it does not override the role of force protection intelligence... Although all intelligence disciplines can be used to gather force protection intelligence, HUMINT collected by intelligence and CI agencies plays a key role in providing indications and warning of terrorist and other force protection threats.[24]
Force protection, for forces deployed in host countries, occupation duty, and even at home, may not be supported sufficiently by a national-level counterterrorism organization alone. In a country, colocating FPCI personnel, of all services, with military assistance and advisory units, allows agents to build relationships with host nation law enforcement and intelligence agencies, get to know the local environments, and improve their language skills. FPCI needs a legal domestic capability to deal with domestic terrorism threats.
As an example of terrorist planning cycles, the Khobar Towers attack shows the need for long-term FPCI. "The Hizballah operatives believed to have conducted this attack began intelligence collection and planning activities in 1993. They recognized American military personnel were billeted at Khobar Towers in the fall of 1994 and began surveillance of the facility, and continued to plan, in June 1995. In March 1996, Saudi Arabian border guards arrested a Hizballah member attempting plastic explosive into the country, leading to the arrest of two more Hizballah members. Hizballah leaders recruited replacements for those arrested, and continued planning for the attack."[25]
Defensive counterintelligence operations
In U.S. doctrine, although not necessarily that of other countries, CI is now seen as primarily a counter to FIS HUMINT. In the 1995 US Army counterintelligence manual, CI had a broader scope against the various intelligence collection disciplines. Some of the overarching CI tasks are described as
Developing, maintaining, and disseminating multidiscipline threat data and intelligence files on organizations, locations, and individuals of CI interest. This includes insurgent and terrorist infrastructure and individuals who can assist in the CI mission.
Educating personnel in all fields of security. A component of this is the multidiscipline threat briefing. Briefings can and should be tailored, both in scope and classification level. Briefings could then be used to familiarize supported commands with the nature of the multidiscipline threat posed against the command or activity.
More recent US joint intelligence doctrine[26] restricts its primary scope to counter-HUMINT, which usually includes counter-terror. It is not always clear, under this doctrine, who is responsible for all intelligence collection threats against a military or other resource. The full scope of US military counterintelligence doctrine has been moved to a classified publication, Joint Publication (JP) 2-01.2, Counterintelligence and Human Intelligence Support to Joint Operations.
More specific countermeasures against intelligence collection disciplines are listed below
CI roles against Intelligence Collection Disciplines, 1995 doctrine[22] Discipline Offensive CI Defensive CI
HUMINT Counterreconnaissance, offensive counterespionage Deception in operations security
SIGINT Recommendations for kinetic and electronic attack Radio OPSEC, use of secure telephones, SIGSEC, deception
IMINT Recommendations for kinetic and electronic attack Deception, OPSEC countermeasures, deception (decoys, camouflage)
If accessible, use SATRAN reports of satellites overhead to hide or stop activities while being viewed
Counter-HUMINT
Counter-HUMINT deals with both the detection of hostile HUMINT sources within an organization, or the detection of individuals likely to become hostile HUMINT sources, as a mole or double agent. There is an additional category relevant to the broad spectrum of counterintelligence: why one becomes a terrorist.[citation needed]
The acronym MICE:
Money
Ideology
Compromise (or coercion)
Ego
describes the most common reasons people break trust and disclose classified materials, reveal operations to hostile services, or join terrorist groups. It makes sense, therefore, to monitor trusted personnel for risks in these areas, such as financial stress, extreme political views, potential vulnerabilities for blackmail, and excessive need for approval or intolerance of criticism. With luck, problems in an employee can be caught early, assistance can be provided to correct them, and not only is espionage avoided, but a useful employee retained.
Sometimes, the preventive and neutralization tasks overlap, as in the case of Earl Edwin Pitts. Pitts had been an FBI agent who had sold secret information to the Soviets, and, after the fall of the USSR, to the Russians. He was caught by an FBI false flag sting, in which FBI agents, posing as Russian FSB agents, came to Pitts with an offer to "reactivate" him. His activities seemed motivated by both money and ego over perceived bad treatment when he was an FBI agent. His sentence required him to tell the FBI all he knew of foreign agents. Ironically, he told them of suspicious actions by Robert Hanssen, which were not taken seriously at the time.
Motivations for information and operations disclosure
To go beyond slogans, Project Slammer was an effort of the Intelligence Community Staff, under the Director of Central Intelligence, to come up with characteristics of an individual likely to commit espionage against the United States. It "examines espionage by interviewing and psychologically assessing actual espionage subjects. Additionally, persons knowledgeable of subjects are contacted to better understand the subjects' private lives and how they are perceived by others while conducting espionage."[27]
How an espionage subject sees himself (at the time of espionage) Attitude Manifestations
Basic belief structure – Special, even unique.
– Deserving.
– The individual's situation is not satisfactory.
– No other (easier) option (than to engage in espionage).
– Doing only what others frequently do.
– Not a bad person.
– Performance in a government job (if presently employed) is separate from espionage; espionage does not (really) discount contribution in the workplace.
– Security procedures do not (really) apply to the individual.
– Security programs (e.g., briefings) have no meaning for the individual unless they connect with something with which they can personally identify.
Feels isolated from the consequences of his actions: – The individual sees their situation in a context in which they face continually narrowing options until espionage seems reasonable. The process that evolves into espionage reduces barriers, making it essentially "Okay" to initiate the crime.
– They see espionage as a "Victimless" crime.
– Once they consider espionage, they figure out how it might be done. These are mutually reinforcing, often simultaneous events.
– Subject finds that it is easy to go around security safeguards (or is able to solve that problem). They belittle the security system, feeling that if the information was really important espionage would be hard to do (the information would really be better protected). This "Ease of accomplishment" further reinforces resolve.
Attempts to cope with espionage activity – Anxious on initial hostile intelligence service contact (some also feel thrill and excitement).
– After a relationship with espionage activity and HOIS develops, the process becomes much more bearable, espionage continues (even flourishes).
– In the course of long-term activity, subjects may reconsider their involvement.
– Some consider breaking their role to become an operative for the government. This occurs when access to classified information is lost or there is a perceived need to prove themselves or both.
– Others find that espionage activity becomes stressful, they no longer want it. Glamour (if present earlier) subsides. They are reluctant to continue. They may even break contact.
– Sometimes they consider telling authorities what they have done. Those wanting to reverse their role aren't confessing, they're negotiating. Those who are "Stressed out" want to confess. Neither wants punishment. Both attempt to minimize or avoid punishment.
According to a press report about Project Slammer and Congressional oversight of counterespionage, one fairly basic function is observing one's own personnel for behavior that either suggests that they could be targets for foreign HUMINT, or may already have been subverted. News reports indicate that in hindsight, red flags were flying but not noticed.[28] In several major penetrations of US services, such as Aldrich Ames, the Walker ring or Robert Hanssen, the individual showed patterns of spending inconsistent with their salary. Some people with changed spending may have a perfectly good reason, such as an inheritance or even winning the lottery, but such patterns should not be ignored.
Personnel in sensitive positions, who have difficulty getting along with peers, may become risks for being compromised with an approach based on ego. William Kampiles, a low-level worker in the CIA Watch Center, sold, for a small sum, the critical operations manual on the KH-11 reconnaissance satellite. To an interviewer, Kampiles suggested that if someone had noted his "problem"—constant conflicts with supervisors and co-workers—and brought in outside counseling, he might not have stolen the KH-11 manual.[28]
By 1997, the Project Slammer work was being presented at public meetings of the Security Policy Advisory Board.[29] While a funding cut caused the loss of impetus in the mid-nineties, there are research data used throughout the security community. They emphasize the
essential and multi-faceted motivational patterns underlying espionage. Future Slammer analyses will focus on newly developing issues in espionage such as the role of money, the new dimensions of loyalty and what seems to be a developing trend toward economic espionage.
Counter-SIGINT (Signals Intelligence)
Military and security organizations will provide secure communications, and may monitor less secure systems, such as commercial telephones or general Internet connections, to detect inappropriate information being passed through them. Education on the need to use secure communications, and instruction on using them properly so that they do not become vulnerable to specialized technical interception.
Counter-IMINT (Imagery Intelligence)
The basic methods of countering IMINT are to know when the opponent will use imaging against one's own side, and interfering with the taking of images. In some situations, especially in free societies, it must be accepted that public buildings may always be subject to photography or other techniques.
Countermeasures include putting visual shielding over sensitive targets or camouflaging them. When countering such threats as imaging satellites, awareness of the orbits can guide security personnel to stop an activity, or perhaps cover the sensitive parts, when the satellite is overhead. This also applies to imaging on aircraft and UAVs, although the more direct expedient of shooting them down, or attacking their launch and support area, is an option in wartime.
Counter-OSINT (Open-Source Intelligence)
While the concept well precedes the recognition of a discipline of OSINT, the idea of censorship of material directly relevant to national security is a basic OSINT defense. In democratic societies, even in wartime, censorship must be watched carefully lest it violate reasonable freedom of the press, but the balance is set differently in different countries and at different times.
The United Kingdom is generally considered to have a very free press, but there is the DA-Notice, formerly D-notice system. Many British journalists find that the system is used fairly, but there will always be arguments. In the specific context of counterintelligence, note that Peter Wright, a former senior member of the Security Service who left their service without his pension, moved to Australia before publishing his book Spycatcher. While much of the book was reasonable commentary, it revealed some specific and sensitive techniques, such as Operation RAFTER, a means of detecting the existence and setting of radio receivers.
Counter-MASINT (Measurement and Signature Intelligence)
MASINT is mentioned here for completeness, but the discipline contains so varied a range of technologies that a type-by-type strategy is beyond the current scope. One example, however, can draw on the Operation RAFTER technique revealed in Wright's book. With the knowledge that Radiofrequency MASINT was being used to pick up an internal frequency in radio receivers, it would be possible to design a shielded receiver that would not radiate the signal that RAFTER monitored.
Theory of offensive counterintelligence
Offensive techniques in current counterintelligence doctrine are principally directed against human sources, so counterespionage can be considered a synonym for offensive counterintelligence. At the heart of exploitation operations is the objective to degrade the effectiveness of an adversary's intelligence service or a terrorist organization. Offensive counterespionage (and counterterrorism) is done one of two ways, either by manipulating the adversary (FIS or terrorist) in some manner or by disrupting the adversary's normal operations.
Defensive counterintelligence operations that succeed in breaking up a clandestine network by arresting the persons involved or by exposing their actions demonstrate that disruption is quite measurable and effective against FIS if the right actions are taken. If defensive counterintelligence stops terrorist attacks, it has succeeded.
Offensive counterintelligence seeks to damage the long-term capability of the adversary. If it can lead a national adversary into putting large resources into protecting from a nonexistent threat, or if it can lead terrorists to assume that all of their "sleeper" agents in a country have become unreliable and must be replaced (and possibly killed as security risks), there is a greater level of success than can be seen from defensive operations alone, To carry out offensive counterintelligence, however, the service must do more than detect; it must manipulate persons associated with the adversary.
The Canadian Department of National Defence makes some useful logical distinctions in its Directive on its[30] National Counter-Intelligence Unit. The terminology is not the same as used by other services, but the distinctions are useful:
"Counter-intelligence (contre-ingérence) means activities concerned with identifying and counteracting threats to the security of DND employees, CF members, and DND and CF property and information, that are posed by hostile intelligence services, organizations or individuals, who are or may be engaged in espionage, sabotage, subversion, terrorist activities, organized crime or other criminal activities." This corresponds to defensive counterintelligence in other services.
"Security intelligence (renseignement de sécurité) means intelligence on the identity, capabilities and intentions of hostile intelligence services, organizations or individuals, who are or may be engaged in espionage, sabotage, subversion, terrorist activities, organized crime or other criminal activities." This does not (emphasis added) correspond directly to offensive counterintelligence, but is the intelligence preparation necessary to conduct offensive counterintelligence.
The duties of the Canadian Forces National Counter-Intelligence Unit include "identifying, investigating and countering threats to the security of the DND and the CF from espionage, sabotage, subversion, terrorist activities, and other criminal activity; identifying, investigating and countering the actual or possible compromise of highly classified or special DND or CF material; conducting CI security investigations, operations and security briefings and debriefings to counter threats to, or to preserve, the security of DND and CF interests." This mandate is a good statement of a mandate to conduct offensive counterintelligence.
DND further makes the useful clarification,[31] "The security intelligence process should not be confused with the liaison conducted by members of the Canadian Forces National Investigation Service (CFNIS) for the purpose of obtaining criminal intelligence, as the collection of this type of information is within their mandate."
Manipulating an intelligence professional, himself trained in counterintelligence, is no easy task, unless he is already predisposed toward the opposing side. Any effort that does not start with a sympathetic person will take a long-term commitment, and creative thinking to overcome the defenses of someone who knows he is a counterintelligence target and also knows counterintelligence techniques.
Terrorists on the other hand, although they engage in deception as a function of security appear to be more prone to manipulation or deception by a well-placed adversary than are foreign intelligence services. This is in part due to the fact that many terrorist groups, whose members "often mistrust and fight among each other, disagree, and vary in conviction.", are not as internally cohesive as foreign intelligence services, potentially leaving them more vulnerable to both deception and manipulation.
Further reading
Johnson, William R. Thwarting Enemies at Home and Abroad: How to Be a Counterintelligence Officer (2009)
Ginkel, B. van (2012). "Towards the intelligent use of intelligence: Quis Custodiet ipsos Custodes?". 3 (10). The Hague: The International Centre for Counter-Terrorism. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
Lee, Newton (2015). Counterterrorism and Cybersecurity: Total Information Awareness (Second ed.). Springer International Publishing Switzerland. ISBN 978-3319172439.
Selby, Scott Andrew. The Axmann Conspiracy: The Nazi Plan for a Fourth Reich and How the U.S. Army Defeated It. Berkley (Penguin), Sept. 2012. ISBN 0425252701
Toward a Theory of CI
See also
Irregular warfare
List of counterintelligence organizations
FBI Counterintelligence Division
SAEDA
The Institute of World Politics
X-2 Counter Espionage Branch
References
Johnson, William (2009). Thwarting Enemies at Home and Abroad: How to be a Counterintelligence Officer. Washington DC: Georgetown University Press. p. 2.
Philip H.J. Davies (2012). Intelligence and Government in Britain and the United States: A Comparative Perspective. ABC-CLIO. ISBN 9781440802812.
Anciens des Services Spéciaux de la Défense Nationale Archived 2016-03-15 at the Wayback Machine ( France )
"Okhrana" literally means "the guard"
Okhrana Britannica Online
Ian D. Thatcher, Late Imperial Russia: problems and prospects, page 50.
"SIS Or MI6. What's in a Name?". SIS website. Archived from the original on 26 September 2008. Retrieved 11 July 2008.
Christopher Andrew, The Defence of the Realm: The Authorized History of Mi5 (London, 2009), p.21.
Calder Walton (2013). Empire of Secrets: British Intelligence, the Cold War, and the Twilight of Empire. Overlook. pp. 5–6. ISBN 9781468310436.
Lowenthal, M. (2003). Intelligence: From secrets to policy. Washington, DC: CQ Press.
"Counterintelligence". FBI. Archived from the original on 2016-07-17.
"COUNTER-ESPIONAGE". Security Service MI5. Archived from the original on 2020-01-15.
Clark, R.M. and Mitchell, W.L., 2018. Deception: Counterdeception and Counterintelligence. CQ Press.
"Counterintelligence Investigations". Retrieved 2008-05-08.
Archick, Kristen (2006-07-24). "European Approaches to Homeland Security and Counterterrorism" (PDF). Congressional Research Service. Retrieved 2007-11-05.
Dulles, Allen W. (1977). The Craft of Intelligence. Greenwood. ISBN 0-8371-9452-0. Dulles-1977.
Wisner, Frank G. (1993-09-22). "On "The Craft of Intelligence"". CIA-Wisner-1993. Archived from the original on 2007-11-15. Retrieved 2007-11-03.
Matschulat, Austin B. (1996-07-02). "Coordination and Cooperation in Counerintelligence". Archived from the original on 2007-10-10. Retrieved 2007-11-03.
"Joint Publication 3-07.1: Joint Tactics, Techniques, and Procedures for Foreign Internal Defense (FID)" (PDF). 2004-04-30. Retrieved 2007-11-03.
"National Counterintelligence Executive (NCIX)" (PDF). 2007.
Suvorov, Victor (1984). "Chapter 4, Agent Recruiting". Inside Soviet Military Intelligence. MacMillan Publishing Company.
US Department of the Army (1995-10-03). "Field Manual 34–60: Counterintelligence". Retrieved 2007-11-04.
Gleghorn, Todd E. (September 2003). "Exposing the Seams: the Impetus for Reforming US Counterintelligence" (PDF). Retrieved 2007-11-02.
US Department of Defense (2007-07-12). "Joint Publication 1-02 Department of Defense Dictionary of Military and Associated Terms" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2008-11-23. Retrieved 2007-10-01.
Imbus, Michael T (April 2002). "Identifying Threats: Improving Intelligence and Counterintelligence Support to Force Protection" (PDF). USAFCSC-Imbus-2002. Retrieved 2007-11-03.
Joint Chiefs of Staff (2007-06-22). "Joint Publication 2-0: Intelligence" (PDF). US JP 2-0. Retrieved 2007-11-05.
Intelligence Community Staff (12 April 1990). "Project Slammer Interim Progress Report". Retrieved 2007-11-04.
Stein, Jeff (July 5, 1994). "The Mole's Manual". New York Times. Retrieved 2007-11-04.
Security Policy Advisory Board (12 December 1997). "Security Policy Advisory Board Meeting Minutes". Retrieved 2007-11-04. {{cite web}}: |last= has generic name (help)
"Canadian Forces National Counter-Intelligence Unit". 2003-03-28. Canada-DND-DAOD 8002-2. Archived from the original on 2007-11-21. Retrieved 2007-11-19.
"Security Intelligence Liaison Program". 2003-03-28. Canada-DND-DAOD 8002-3. Archived from the original on 2007-11-30. Retrieved 2007-11-19.
The CIA & drugs: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/p/the-cia-guide-to-ruining-someones
An in-depth exploration of the intricate web underlying the narcotics trade. Delivered by former CIA official John Stockwell, the presentation meticulously traces the evolution of this illicit business, beginning with the Opium Wars in China and extending through pivotal historical moments such as American support to Mafia and crime syndicates during and post-World War II.
Stockwell's narrative doesn't shy away from detailing the French narcotics involvement in Indo-China and the subsequent assumption of these operations by the United States during the Vietnam War. The presentation extends its gaze into the contemporary era, shedding light on how entities like the CIA and international banks play roles in fostering and profiting from the global narcotics trade.
A particular emphasis is placed on exploring the involvement of prominent figures like George Bush and Oliver North in these operations. Recorded on June 25, 1988, this comprehensive and thought-provoking exposition offers a deep dive into the history, structure, and operations of the narcotics trade, exposing connections and dynamics that span generations.
The Opium Wars (simplified Chinese: 鸦片战争; traditional Chinese: 鴉片戰爭 Yāpiàn zhànzhēng) were two conflicts waged between China and Western powers during the mid-19th century.
The First Opium War was fought from 1839 to 1842 between China and Britain. It was triggered by the Chinese government's campaign to enforce its prohibition of opium, which included destroying opium stocks owned by British merchants and the British East India Company. The British government responded by sending a naval expedition to force the Chinese government to pay reparations and allow the opium trade. [1] The Second Opium War was waged by Britain and France against China from 1856 to 1860. It resulted in the legalisation of opium in China. [2]
In each war, the superior military advantages enjoyed by European forces led to several easy victories over the Chinese military, with the consequence that China was compelled to sign the unequal treaties to grant favourable tariffs, trade concessions, reparations and territory to Western powers. The two conflicts, along with the various treaties imposed during the "century of humiliation", weakened the Chinese government's authority and forced China to open specified treaty ports (including Shanghai) to Western merchants.[3][4] In addition, China ceded sovereignty over Hong Kong to the British Empire, which maintained control over the region until 1997. During this period, the Chinese economy also contracted slightly as a result of the wars, though the Taiping Rebellion and Dungan Revolt had a much larger economic effect.[5]
First Opium War
Main article: First Opium War
The First Opium War broke out in 1839 between China and Britain and was fought over trading rights (including the right of free trade) and Britain's diplomatic status among Chinese officials. In the eighteenth century, China enjoyed a trade surplus with Europe, trading porcelain, silk, and tea in exchange for silver. By the late 17th century, the British East India Company (EIC) expanded the cultivation of opium in the Bengal Presidency, selling it to private merchants who transported it to China and covertly sold it on to Chinese smugglers.[6] By 1797, the EIC was selling 4,000 chests of opium (each weighing 77 kg) to private merchants per annum.[7]
In earlier centuries, opium was utilised as an medicine with anesthetic qualities, but new Chinese practices of smoking opium recreationally increased demand tremendously and often led to smokers developing addictions. Successive Chinese emperors issued edicts making opium illegal in 1729, 1799, 1814, and 1831, but imports grew as smugglers and colluding officials in China sought profit.[8] Some American merchants entered the trade by smuggling opium from Turkey into China, including Warren Delano Jr., the grandfather of twentieth-century President Franklin D. Roosevelt, and Francis Blackwell Forbes; in American historiography this is sometimes referred to as the Old China Trade.[9] By 1833, the Chinese opium trade soared to 30,000 chests.[7] British and American merchants sent opium to warehouses in the free-trade port of Canton, and sold it to Chinese smugglers.[8][10]
In 1834, the EIC's monopoly on British trade with China ceased, and the opium trade burgeoned. Partly concerned with moral issues over the consumption of opium and partly with the outflow of silver, the Daoguang Emperor charged Governor General Lin Zexu with ending the trade. In 1839, Lin published in Canton an open letter to Queen Victoria requesting her cooperation in halting the opium trade. The letter never reached the Queen.[11] It was later published in The Times as a direct appeal to the British public for their cooperation.[12] An edict from the Daoguang Emperor followed on 18 March,[13] emphasising the serious penalties for opium smuggling that would now apply henceforth. Lin ordered the seizure of all opium in Canton, including that held by foreign governments and trading companies (called factories),[14] and the companies prepared to hand over a token amount to placate him.[15][page needed] Charles Elliot, Chief Superintendent of British Trade in China, arrived 3 days after the expiry of Lin's deadline, as Chinese troops enforced a shutdown and blockade of the factories. The standoff ended after Elliot paid for all the opium on credit from the British government (despite lacking official authority to make the purchase) and handed the 20,000 chests (1,300 metric tons) over to Lin, who had them destroyed at Humen.[16]
Elliott then wrote to London advising the use of military force to resolve the dispute with the Chinese government. A small skirmish occurred between British and Chinese warships in the Kowloon Estuary on 4 September 1839.[14] After almost a year, the British government decided, in May 1840, to send a military expedition to impose reparations for the financial losses experienced by opium traders in Canton and to guarantee future security for the trade. On 21 June 1840, a British naval force arrived off Macao and moved to bombard the port of Dinghai. In the ensuing conflict, the Royal Navy used its superior ships and guns to inflict a series of decisive defeats on Chinese forces.[17]
The war was concluded by the Treaty of Nanking (Nanjing) in 1842, the first of the Unequal treaties between China and Western powers.[18] The treaty ceded the Hong Kong Island and surrounding smaller islands to Britain, and established five cities as treaty ports open to Western traders: Shanghai, Canton, Ningbo, Fuzhou, and Xiamen (Amoy).[19] The treaty also stipulated that China would pay a twenty-one million dollar payment to Britain as reparations for the destroyed opium, with six million to be paid immediately, and the rest through specified installments thereafter.[20] Another treaty the following year gave most favoured nation status to Britain and added provisions for British extraterritoriality, making Britain exempt from Chinese law.[18] France secured several of the same concessions from China in the Treaty of Whampoa in 1844.[21]
British bombardment of Canton from the surrounding heights, 29 May 1841. Watercolour painting by Edward H. Cree (1814–1901), Naval Surgeon to the Royal Navy.
British bombardment of Canton from the surrounding heights, 29 May 1841. Watercolour painting by Edward H. Cree (1814–1901), Naval Surgeon to the Royal Navy.
The 98th Regiment of Foot at the attack on Chin-Kiang-Foo (Zhenjiang), 21 July 1842, resulting in the defeat of the Manchu government. Watercolour by military illustrator Richard Simkin (1840–1926).
The 98th Regiment of Foot at the attack on Chin-Kiang-Foo (Zhenjiang), 21 July 1842, resulting in the defeat of the Manchu government. Watercolour by military illustrator Richard Simkin (1840–1926).
Second Opium War
Main article: Second Opium War
Depiction of the 1860 battle of Taku Forts. Book illustration from 1873.
In 1853, northern China was convulsed by the Taiping Rebellion, which established its capital at Nanjing. In spite of this, a new Imperial Commissioner, Ye Mingchen, was appointed at Canton, determined to stamp out the opium trade, which was still technically illegal. In October 1856, he seized the Arrow, a ship claiming British registration, and threw its crew into chains. Sir John Bowring, Governor of British Hong Kong, called up Rear Admiral Sir Michael Seymour's East Indies and China Station fleet, which, on 23 October, bombarded and captured the Pearl River forts on the approach to Canton and proceeded to bombard Canton itself, but had insufficient forces to take and hold the city. On 15 December, during a riot in Canton, European commercial properties were set on fire and Bowring appealed for military intervention.[19] The execution of a French missionary inspired support from France.[22]
Britain and France now sought greater concessions from China, including the legalisation of the opium trade, expanding of the transportation of coolies to European colonies, opening all of China to British and French citizens and exempting foreign imports from internal transit duties.[23] The war resulted in the 1858 Treaty of Tientsin (Tianjin), in which the Chinese government agreed to pay war reparations for the expenses of the recent conflict, open a second group of ten ports to European commerce, legalise the opium trade, and grant foreign traders and missionaries rights to travel within China.[19] After a second phase of fighting which included the sack of the Old Summer Palace and the occupation of the Forbidden City palace complex in Beijing, the treaty was confirmed by the Convention of Peking in 1860.[citation needed]
See also
Destruction of opium at Humen
History of opium in China
References
Chen, Song-Chuan (1 May 2017). Merchants of War and Peace. Hong Kong University Press. ISBN 978-988-8390-56-4.
Feige1, Miron2, Chris1, Jeffrey A.2 (2008). "The opium wars, opium legalization and opium consumption in China". Applied Economics Letters. 15: 911–913 – via Scopus.
Taylor Wallbank; Bailkey; Jewsbury; Lewis; Hackett (1992). "A Short History of the Opium Wars". Civilizations Past And Present. Chapter 29: "South And East Asia, 1815–1914" – via Schaffer Library of Drug Policy.
Kenneth Pletcher. "Chinese history: Opium Wars". Encyclopædia Britannica Online.
Desjardins, Jeff (15 September 2017). "Over 2000 years of economic history, in one chart". World Economic Forum. Retrieved 28 November 2021.
"Opium trade – History & Facts". Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved 3 July 2018.
Hanes, Wiliam Travis III; Sanello, Frank (2004). The Opium Wars: The Addiction of One Empire and the Corruption of Another. United States: Sourcebooks. pp. 21, 24, 25. ISBN 978-1402201493.
"A Century of International Drug Control" (PDF). UNODC.org.
Meyer, Karl E. (28 June 1997). "The Opium War's Secret History". The New York Times. Retrieved 3 July 2018.
Haythornthwaite, Philip J., The Colonial Wars Source Book, London, 2000, p.237. ISBN 1-84067-231-5
Fay (1975), p. 143.
Platt (2018), p. online.
Hanes & Sanello 2002, p. 43.
Haythornthwaite, 2000, p.237.
Hanes, W. Travis; Sanello, Frank (2002). Opium Wars: The Addiction of One Empire and the Corruption of Another. Sourcebooks. ISBN 9781402201493.
"China Commemorates Anti-opium Hero". 4 June 2009. Archived from the original on 14 November 2013. Retrieved 18 March 2014.
Tsang, Steve (2007). A Modern History of Hong Kong. I. B. Tauris. pp. 3–13, 29. ISBN 1-84511-419-1.
Treaty of Nanjing inBritannica.
Haythornthwaite 2000, p. 239.
Treaty Of Nanjing (Nanking), 1842 on the website of the US-China Institute at University of Southern Carolina.
Xiaobing Li (2012). China at War: An Encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO. p. 468. ISBN 9781598844160.
"MIT Visualizing Cultures". visualizingcultures.mit.edu. Retrieved 9 September 2023.
Zhihong Shi (2016). Central Government Silver Treasury: Revenue, Expenditure and Inventory Statistics, ca. 1667–1899. BRILL. p. 33. ISBN 978-90-04-30733-9.
Cited references and further reading
Beeching, Jack. The Chinese Opium Wars (Harvest Books, 1975)
Fay, Peter Ward (1975). The Opium War, 1840–1842: Barbarians in the Celestial Empire in the Early Part of the Nineteenth Century and the War by Which They Forced Her Gates Ajar. University of North Carolina Press.
Gelber, Harry G. Opium, Soldiers and Evangelicals: Britain's 1840–42 War with China, and its Aftermath. Palgrave Macmillan, 2004.
Hanes, W. Travis and Frank Sanello. The Opium Wars: The Addiction of One Empire and the Corruption of Another (2014)
Kitson, Peter J. "The Last War of the Romantics: De Quincey, Macaulay, the First Chinese Opium War". Wordsworth Circle (2018) 49#3.
Lovell, Julia. The Opium War: Drugs, Dreams, and the Making of Modern China(2011).
Marchant, Leslie R. "The War of the Poppies", History Today (May 2002) Vol. 52 Issue 5, pp 42–49, online popular history
Platt, Stephen R. (2018). Imperial Twilight: The Opium War and the End of China's Last Golden Age. New York: Knopf. ISBN 9780307961730. 556 pp.
Kenneth Pomeranz, "Blundering into War" (review of Stephen R. Platt, Imperial Twilight: The Opium War and the End of China's Last Golden Age, Vintage), The New York Review of Books, vol. LXVI, no. 10 (6 June 2019), pp. 38–41.
Polachek, James M., The inner opium war (Harvard Univ Asia Center, 1992).
Wakeman, Frederic E. (1966). Strangers at the Gate: Social Disorder in South China, 1839–1861. Berkeley: University of California Press. ISBN 0520212398.
Waley, Arthur, ed. The Opium War Through Chinese Eyes (1960).
Wong, John Y. Deadly Dreams: Opium, Imperialism, and the Arrow War (1856–1860) in China. (Cambridge UP, 2002)
Yu, Miles Maochun. "Did China Have a Chance to Win the Opium War?" Military History in the News, July 3, 2018.
The United States government collaborated with the Italian Mafia during World War II and afterwards on several occasions.
Operation Underworld: Strikes and labor disputes in the eastern shipping ports
See also: Operation Underworld
During the early days of World War II, the U.S. Office of Naval Intelligence suspected that Italian and German agents were entering the United States through New York, and that these facilities were susceptible to sabotage. The loss of SS Normandie in February 1942, especially, raised fears and suspicions in the Navy about possible sabotage in the Eastern ports. A Navy Intelligence Unit, B3, assigned more than a hundred agents to investigate possible Benito Mussolini supporters within the predominantly Italian-American fisherman and dockworker population on the waterfront. Their efforts were fruitless, as the dockworkers and fishermen in the Italian Mafia-controlled waterfront were tight-lipped and distant to strangers.[1] The Navy contacted Meyer Lansky, a known associate of Salvatore C. Luciano and one of the top non-Italian associates of the Mafia,[2] about a deal with the Mafia boss Luciano. Luciano, also known as Lucky Luciano, was one of the highest-ranking Mafia both in Italy and the US and was serving a 30 to 50 years sentence for compulsory prostitution in the Clinton Prison.[3] To facilitate the negotiations, the State of New York moved Luciano from the Clinton prison to Great Meadow Correctional Facility, which is much closer to New York City.[4][5]
The State of New York, Luciano and the Navy struck a deal in which Luciano guaranteed full assistance of his organization in providing intelligence to the Navy. In addition, Luciano associate Albert Anastasia—who controlled the docks and ran Murder, Inc.—allegedly guaranteed no dockworker strikes throughout the war. In return, the State of New York agreed to commute Luciano's sentence.[6] Luciano's actual influence is uncertain, but the authorities did note that the dockworker strikes stopped after the deal was reached with Luciano.[7]
In the summer of 1945, Luciano petitioned the State of New York for executive clemency, citing his assistance to the Navy. Naval authorities, embarrassed that they had to recruit organized-crime to help in their war effort, declined to confirm Luciano's claim. However, the Manhattan District Attorney's office validated the facts and the state parole board unanimously agreed to recommend to the governor that Luciano be released and deported immediately.[8] On January 4, 1946, Governor Thomas E. Dewey, the former prosecutor who placed Luciano into prison, commuted Lucky Luciano's sentence on the condition that he did not resist deportation to Italy.[9] Dewey stated, “Upon the entry of the United States into the war, Luciano’s aid was sought by the Armed Services in inducing others to provide information concerning possible enemy attack. It appears that he cooperated in such effort, although the actual value of the information procured is not clear.”[10][7] Luciano was deported to his homeland Italy on February 9, 1946.[11] There was a media hype of Luciano's role after his deportation. The syndicated columnist and radio broadcaster Walter Winchell even reported in 1947 that Luciano would receive the Medal of Honor for his secret services.[12]
Operation Husky: The invasion of Sicily and its aftermath
See also: Allied invasion of Sicily
Italian Americans were very helpful in the planning and execution of the invasion of Sicily. The Mafia was involved in assisting the U.S. war efforts.[13] Luciano's associates found numerous Sicilians to help the Naval Intelligence draw maps of the harbors of Sicily and dig up old snapshots of the coastline.[14][15] Vito Genovese, another Mafia boss, offered his services to the U.S. Army and became an interpreter and advisor to the U.S. Army military government in Naples. He quickly became one of AMGOT’s most trusted employees.[16] Through the Navy Intelligence’s Mafia contacts from Operation Underworld, the names of Sicilian underworld personalities and friendly Sicilian natives who could be trusted were obtained and actually used in the Sicilian campaign.[17]
The Joint Staff Planners (JSP) for the US Joint Chiefs of Staff drafted a report titled Special Military Plan for Psychological Warfare in Sicily that recommended the “Establishment of contact and communications with the leaders of separatist nuclei, disaffected workers, and clandestine radical groups, e.g., the Mafia, and giving them every possible aid.” The report was approved by the Joint Chiefs of Staff in Washington on April 15, 1943.[18]
Assassination attempts on Fidel Castro
Main article: Assassination attempts on Fidel Castro
See also: Sam Giancana and Santo Trafficante Jr.
[icon]
This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (April 2018)
Controversy and criticism
There was considerable public controversy during the late days of the war and afterwards surrounding the connection between the U.S. Government and the Mafia.[19][20] In 1953, Governor Dewey, pushed by allegations that he sold Luciano his pardon, ordered a confidential investigation by the state's commissioner of investigation, William Herlands. Herlands released his 2,600-page report in 1954, which offered proof of Luciano's involvement with the Navy without finding any wrongdoing by Dewey.[21] Naval officials reviewed the report and requested Dewey to not release it on the grounds that it would be a public-relations disaster for the Navy and it might damage future similar war efforts. Dewey agreed, and the report was not released until after his death in the mid-1970s.[20][22]
Notable scholars of the topic such as Selwyn Raab and Tim Newark have questioned the effectiveness of the Mafia in their help during Operation Husky.[23][24] Raab states that Luciano could not have helped during the invasion of Sicily, as he was out of touch with the Sicilian Mafia, and neither he nor the Cosa Nostra had any significant contribution to the Allied victory in Sicily. On the other hand, another scholar on the topic, Ezio Costanzo, alleges that Congressman Horan revealed that Luciano was visited 11 times by Naval Intelligence officers throughout his sentence.[25] In addition, Costanzo states that Commander Haffenden of Naval Intelligence Section F (foreign intelligence) stated in numerous reports how his men were interviewing many native-born Italians and that they were cooperating because of Luciano.[26]
Footnotes
Raab. p.76
U.S. Treasury Department Bureau of Narcotics. p. 101
U.S. Treasury Department Bureau of Narcotics. p. 809
Kelly. p. 107
Costanzo. pp.51-56
Newark. pp. 99-111
Campbell. pp. 111-127
Raab. p. 78
"DEWEY COMMUTES LUCIANO SENTENCE,", The New York Times, 04 January 1946, Retrieved 25 March 2013
Costanzo. p.42
Costanzo. p.41
Raab. pp.78-79
Luconi. p.5
Raab. p.77
Newark. p.127
McCoy. p. 20
Newark. p.126
Newark. p.134-135
Costanzo. p.64
Raab. p.79
Costanzo. p.66
Costanzo. p.40
Costanzo. p.77
Newark. pp.288-289
Costanzo. p.44
Costanzo. p.59
References
Campbell, Rodney. The Luciano Project: The Secret Wartime Collaboration of the Mafia and the U.S. Navy. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1977. ISBN 9780070096745
Costanzo, Ezio. The Mafia and the Allies: Sicily 1943 and the Return of the Mafia. New York: Enigma Books, 2007. ISBN 9781936274949
Costanzo, Ezio. Mafia & Alleati, Servizi segreti americani e sbarco in Sicilia. Da Lucky Luciano ai sindaci uomini d'onore. Le Nove Muse Editrice, 2006
Kelly, Robert. The Upperworld and the Underworld: Case Studies of Racketeering and Business Infiltrations in the United States. New York: Kluwer Academic / Plenum Publishers, 1999.
Luconi, Stefano. "Italian Americans and the Invasion of Sicily in World War II." Italian Americana 25.1 (2007): 5-22.
McCoy, Alfred W. The Politics of Heroin in Southeast Asia. New York: Harper and Row, 1972.
New York Times. "DEWEY COMMUTES LUCIANO SENTENCE." 4 January 1946. New York Times. 25 March 2013.
Newark, Tim. Mafia Allies: The True Story of America's Secret Alliance with the Mob in World War II. Saint Paul: Zenith Press, 2007, ISBN 9780760324578.
Raab, Selwyn. Five Families: The Rise, Decline, and Resurgence of America's Mast Powerful Mafia Empires. New York: Thomas Dunne Books, 2005, ISBN 9780312300944
U.S. Treasury Department Bureau of Narcotics. Mafia. New York: HarperCollins Publishers, 2007.
The French Connection was a scheme through which heroin was smuggled from Indochina through Turkey to France and then to the United States and Canada. The operation started in the 1930s, reached its peak in the 1960s, and was dismantled in the 1970s. It was responsible for providing the vast majority of the heroin used in the United States at the time. The operation was headed by Corsicans Antoine Guérini and Paul Carbone (with associate François Spirito). It also involved Auguste Ricord, Paul Mondoloni and Salvatore Greco.[citation needed]
History
The 1930s, '40s, and '50s
Illegal heroin labs were first discovered near Marseille, France, in 1937. These labs were run by Corsican gang leader Paul Carbone. For years, the Corsican underworld had been involved in the manufacturing and trafficking of heroin, primarily to the United States.[1] It was this heroin network that eventually became known as "the French Connection".
The Corsican Gang was protected by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the SDECE after World War II in exchange for working to prevent French Communists from bringing the Old Port of Marseille under their control.[2]
Historically, the raw material for most of the heroin consumed in the United States came from Indochina, then Turkey. Turkish farmers were licensed to grow opium poppies for sale to legal drug companies, but many sold their excess to the underworld market, where it was manufactured into heroin and transported to the United States. The morphine paste was refined in Corsican laboratories in Marseille, one of the busiest ports in the western Mediterranean Sea, known for shipping all types of illegal goods. The Marseille heroin was considered high quality.
The convenience of the port at Marseille and the frequent arrival of ships from opium-producing countries made it easy to smuggle the morphine base to Marseille from the Far East or the Near East. The French underground would then ship large quantities of heroin from Marseille to New York City.
The first significant post-World War II seizure was made in New York on February 5, 1947, when seven pounds (3 kg) of heroin were seized from a Corsican sailor disembarking from a vessel that had just arrived from France.
It soon became clear that the French underground was increasing not only its participation in the illegal trade of opium, but also its expertise and efficiency in heroin trafficking. On March 17, 1947, 28 pounds (13 kg) of heroin were found on the French liner St. Tropez. On January 7, 1949, more than 50 pounds (22.75 kg) of opium and heroin were seized on the French ship Batista.
After Paul Carbone's death, the Guérini clan was the ruling dynasty of the Unione Corse and had systematically organized the smuggling of opium from Turkey and other Middle Eastern countries. The Guérini clan was led by Marseille mob boss Antoine Guérini and his brothers, Barthelemy, Francois and Pascal.[citation needed]
In October 1957, a meeting between Sicilian Mafia and American Mafia members was held at the Grand Hotel et des Palmes in Palermo to discuss the international illegal heroin trade in the French Connection.[3]
The 1960s
The first major French Connection seizure in the 1960s began that June, when an informant told a drug agent in Lebanon that Mauricio Rosal, the Guatemalan Ambassador to Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxembourg, was smuggling morphine base from Beirut to Marseille. Narcotics agents had been seizing about 200 pounds (90 kg) of heroin in a typical year, but intelligence showed that the Corsican traffickers were smuggling in 200 pounds (90 kg) every other week. Rosal alone, in one year, had used his diplomatic status to bring in about 440 pounds (200 kg).
The Federal Bureau of Narcotics's 1960 annual report estimated that from 2,600 to 5,000 pounds (1,200 to 2,300 kg) of heroin were coming into the United States annually from France. The French traffickers continued to exploit the demand for their illegal product, and by 1969, they were supplying the United States with 80 percent of its heroin.[4]
On April 26, 1968, a record setting seizure was made, 246 lb (111.6 kg) of heroin smuggled to New York concealed in a Citroën DS on the SS France (1960) ocean liner.[5][6][7] The total amount smuggled during the many transatlantic voyages of just this one car was 1,606 lb (728.5 kg) according to arrested smuggler Jacques Bousquet.[8]
In an effort to limit the most proximate source of supply to the Corsican cartel, US officials went to Turkey to negotiate the phasing out of opium production. Initially, the Turkish government agreed to limit their opium production starting with the 1968 crop.
At the end of the 1960s, after Robert Blemant's assassination by Antoine Guérini, a gang war sparked in Marseille, caused by competition over casino revenues. Blemant's associate Marcel Francisci continued the war over the next years.
Jean Jehan
Former New York City Police Department Narcotics Bureau detective Sonny Grosso has stated that the kingpin of the French Connection heroin ring during the 1950s into the 1960s was Corsican Jean Jehan.[9] Although Jehan is reported to have arranged the famous 1962 deal gone wrong of 64 pounds of "pure" heroin, he was never arrested for his involvement in international heroin smuggling. According to Grosso, all warrants for the arrest of Jehan were left open. For years thereafter, Jehan was reported to be seen arranging and operating drug activities at will throughout Europe. According to William Friedkin, director of the 1971 film The French Connection, Jehan had been a member of the French Resistance to Nazi Occupation during World War II and, because of that, French law enforcement officials refused to arrest him. Friedkin was told that Jehan died peacefully of old age at his home in Corsica.[10]
The 1970s: Dismantling
Following five subsequent years of concessions, combined with international cooperation, the Turkish government finally agreed in 1971 to a complete ban on the growing of Turkish poppies for the production of opium, effective June 29, 1971. During these protracted negotiations, law enforcement personnel went into action. One of the major roundups began on January 4, 1972, when agents from the U.S. Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs (BNDD) and French authorities seized 110 pounds (50 kg) of heroin at the Paris airport. Subsequently, traffickers Jean-Baptiste Croce and Joseph Mari were arrested in Marseille. One such French seizure from the French Connection in 1973 netted 210 pounds (95 kg) of heroin worth $38 million.
In February 1972, French traffickers offered a United States Army sergeant $96,000 (equivalent to $671,618 in 2022) to smuggle 240 pounds (109 kg) of heroin into the United States. He informed his superior who in turn notified the BNDD. As a result of this investigation, five men in New York and two in Paris were arrested with 264 pounds (120 kg) of heroin, which had a street value of $50 million. In a 14-month period, starting in February 1972, six major illicit heroin laboratories were seized and dismantled in the suburbs of Marseille by French national narcotics police in collaboration with agents from the United States Drug Enforcement Administration. On February 29, 1972, French authorities seized the shrimp boat, Caprice des Temps, as it put to sea near Marseille heading towards Miami. It was carrying 915 pounds (415 kg) of heroin. Drug arrests in France skyrocketed from 57 in 1970 to 3,016 in 1972.
Also broken up as part of this investigation was the crew of American Mafia Lucchese family mobster Vincent Papa, whose members included Anthony Loria Sr. and Virgil Alessi. The well-organized gang was responsible for distributing close to a million dollars worth of heroin up and down the East Coast of the United States during the early 1970s, which in turn led to a major New York Police Department (NYPD) corruption scheme. The scope and depth of this scheme are still not known, but officials suspect it involved corrupt NYPD officers who allowed Papa, Alessi, and Loria access to the NYPD property/evidence storage room, where hundreds of kilograms of heroin lay seized from the now-infamous French Connection bust, and from which the men would help themselves and replace missing heroin with flour and corn starch to avoid detection.[11][12]
The substitution was discovered only when officers noticed insects eating all the bags of "heroin". By that point an estimated street value of approximately $70 million worth of heroin had already been taken. The racket was brought to light and arrests were made. Certain plotters received jail sentences, including Papa, who was later murdered in federal prison in Atlanta, Georgia.
Ultimately, the Guérini clan was exterminated during internecine wars within the French underworld. In 1971, Marcel Francisci was accused by the U.S. Bureau of Narcotics of being involved in the trafficking of heroin between Marseilles and New York City.[13] On 16 January 1982, Marcel Francisci was shot to death as he was entering his car in the parking lot of the building where he lived in Paris, France.[13]
List of related gangsters
Unione Corse members
Paul Carbone
Marcel Francisci
Antoine Guérini
Barthélemy Guérini
Paul Mondoloni
Joseph Corsini
Francois Spirito
Black members
Frank Matthews
Italian-Canadian mobsters
Johnny Papalia, Hamilton, Ontario
Vito Agueci, Hamilton
Alberto Agueci, Hamilton
Vic Cotroni, leader of the Cotroni crime family of Montreal and capo/boss of the Montreal faction of the Bonanno crime family
Italian-American mobsters
Ignacio Antinori, Tampa, Florida gangster that founded Trafficante crime family
Frank Caruso[14]
Lucky Luciano, Five Families gangster that founded Genovese crime family
Vinnie Mauro[14]
Frank Ragano, Tampa, Florida attorney supporting Trafficante crime family
Joseph "Hoboken Joe" Stassi (AKA "Joe Rogers"), independent but well-placed in organized crime[15][16]
Bonanno crime family members
Joseph Bonanno, Bonanno crime family boss
Carmine Galante
Gambino crime family members
Joseph Armone[17]
Lucchese crime family members
Giovanni "Big John" Ormento, a capo involved in large scale narcotic trafficking[18]
Salvatore Lo Proto, an important member of Big John's narcotic trafficking ring[19]
Angelo M. Loiacano, wholesaler of Big John Ormento's narcotic trafficking ring[20]
Angelo "Little Angie" Tuminaro, an associate, involved in narcotic trafficking[18][21]
Pasquale "Patsy" Fuca, nephew to Tuminaro, involved in the narcotic trade[18]
Anthony DiPasqua, was a narcotic trafficker[18]
Vincent Papa, was the mastermind behind the "Stealing of the French Connection"
Anthony Loria, partner with Vincent Papa in the "Stealing of the French Connection"
Related films
William Friedkin, The French Connection (1971)
Francis Ford Coppola, The Godfather (1972)
Sidney J. Furie, Hit! (1973)
Robert Parrish, The Marseille Contract (1974)
John Frankenheimer, French Connection II (1975)
Andrew V. McLaglen, Mitchell (1975)
Blake Edwards, Revenge of the Pink Panther (1978)
Sidney Lumet, Prince of the City (1981)
Ridley Scott, American Gangster (2007)
Cédric Jimenez, The Connection (La French) (2014)
During the Korean War, the first allegations of CIA drug trafficking surfaced after 1949, stemming from a deal whereby arms were supplied to Chiang Kai-shek's defeated generals in exchange for intelligence.[15] Later in the same region, while the CIA was sponsoring a "Secret War" in Laos from 1961 to 1975, it was openly accused of trafficking heroin in the Golden Triangle area.
To fight its "Secret War" against the Pathet Lao communist movement of Laos, the CIA used the Miao/Meo (Hmong) population. Because of the war, the Hmong depended upon opium poppy cultivation for hard currency. The Plain of Jars had been captured by Pathet Lao fighters in 1964, which resulted in the Royal Lao Air Force being unable to land its C-47 transport aircraft on the Plain of Jars for opium transport. The Royal Laotian Air Force had almost no light planes that could land on the dirt runways near the mountaintop poppy fields. Having no way to transport their opium, the Hmong were faced with economic ruin. Air America, a CIA front organization, was the only airline available in northern Laos. Alfred McCoy writes, "According to several unproven sources, Air America began flying opium from mountain villages north and east of the Plain of Jars to CIA asset Hmong General Vang Pao's headquarters at Long Tieng."[16]
The CIA's front company, Air America was alleged to have profited from transporting opium and heroin on behalf of Hmong leader Vang Pao,[17][18] or of "turning a blind eye" to the Laotian military doing it.[19][20] This allegation has been supported also by former Laos CIA paramilitary Anthony Poshepny (aka Tony Poe), former Air America pilots, and other people involved in the war. It is portrayed in the movie Air America. Larry Collins alleged:
During the Vietnam War, US operations in Laos were largely a CIA responsibility. The CIA's surrogate there was a Laotian general, Vang Pao, who commanded Military Region 2 in northern Laos. He enlisted 30,000 Hmong tribesmen in the service of the CIA. These tribesmen continued to grow, as they had for generations, the opium poppy. Before long, someone—there were unproven allegations that it was a Mafia family from Florida—had established a heroin drug refinery lab in Region Two. The lab's production was soon being ferried out on the planes of the CIA's front airline, Air America. A pair of BNDD [the predecessor of the US Drug Enforcement Administration] agents tried to seize an Air America."[15]
Further documentation of CIA-connected Laotian opium trade was provided by Rolling Stone magazine in 1968, and by Alfred McCoy in 1972.[21][17] McCoy stated that:
In most cases, the CIA's role involved various forms of complicity, tolerance or studied ignorance about the trade, not any direct culpability in the actual trafficking ... [t]he CIA did not handle heroin, but it did provide its drug lord allies with transport, arms, and political protection. In sum, the CIA's role in the Southeast Asian heroin trade involved indirect complicity rather than direct culpability.[22]
However, aviation historian William M. Leary, writes that Air America was not involved in the drug trade, citing Joseph Westermeyer, a physician and public health worker resident in Laos from 1965 to 1975, that "American-owned airlines never knowingly transported opium in or out of Laos, nor did their American pilots ever profit from its transport."[23] Aviation historian Curtis Peebles also denies that Air America employees were involved in opium transportation.[24]
The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/
David Keith Williamson AO (born 24 February 1942) is an Australian playwright. He has also written screenplays and teleplays.
Early life
David Williamson was born in Melbourne, Victoria, on 24 February 1942, and was brought up in Bairnsdale. He initially studied mechanical engineering at the University of Melbourne from 1960, but left and graduated from Monash University with a Bachelor of Engineering degree in 1965. His early forays into the theatre were as an actor and writer of skits for the Engineers' Revue at Melbourne University's Union Theatre at lunchtime during the early 1960s, and as a satirical sketch writer for Monash University student reviews and the Emerald Hill Theatre Company.
After a brief stint as design engineer for GM Holden, Williamson became a lecturer in mechanical engineering and thermodynamics at Swinburne University of Technology (then Swinburne Technical College) in 1966 while studying social psychology as a postgraduate part-time at the University of Melbourne. He completed a Master of Arts in Psychology in 1970, and then completed further postgraduate research in social psychology. Williamson later lectured in social psychology at Swinburne, where he remained until 1972.
Career
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Williamson first turned to writing and performing in plays in 1967 with La Mama Theatre Company and the Pram Factory, and rose to prominence in the early 1970s, with works such as Don's Party (later turned into a 1976 film), a comic drama set during the 1969 federal election; and The Removalists (1971). He also collaborated on the screenplays for Gallipoli (1981) and The Year of Living Dangerously (1982). Williamson's work as a playwright focuses on themes of politics, loyalty and family in contemporary urban Australia, particularly in two of its major cities, Melbourne and Sydney.
Major stage works include The Club, The Department, Travelling North, The Perfectionist, Emerald City, Money and Friends and Brilliant Lies.
Recent work has included Dead White Males, a satirical approach to postmodernism and university ethics; Up for Grabs, which starred Madonna in its London premiere; and the Jack Manning Trilogy (Face To Face, Conversation, Charitable Intent) which take as their format community conferencing, a new form of restorative justice, in which Williamson became interested in the late 1990s and early 2000s.
In recent years he has alternated work between larger stages (including Soul Mates, Amigos and Influence – all premiered with the Sydney Theatre Company) and smaller ones (including the Manning trilogy, Flatfoot and Operator, which premiered at the Ensemble Theatre).
In 2005, he announced his retirement from main-stage productions, although he has continued to write new plays for the mainstage, many produced with the Ensemble Theatre. He had a serious health problem, cardiac arrhythmia, which had required frequent hospitalisation. An operation resolved this issue, but then in 2009 he had a mild stroke, from which he recovered fully.[1]
Williamson was instrumental in the founding of the Noosa Long Weekend Festival, a cultural festival in Noosa, Queensland, where he lives.
In August 2006 Cate Molloy, former Australian Labor Party member of the Queensland Parliament for Noosa, announced that Williamson would be her campaign manager as she sought to recontest her seat as an Independent.
In 2007, Lotte's Gift, a one-woman show starring Karin Schaupp, which traced a journey through Schaupp's own life as well as those of her mother and grandmother (the Lotte of the title), was produced.
In 2021, his memoir, Home Truths, was published by HarperCollins. Reviewing the book for The Sydney Morning Herald, Peter Craven wrote "He comes across as a likeable, flawed fellow with no more blindness than people of lesser talent".[2]
Personal life
Williamson is married to Kristin Williamson (sister of independent filmmaker Chris Löfvén) who have homes in Sydney and on Queensland's Sunshine Coast. They have five adult children and 11 grandchildren.[1]
His son, Rory Williamson, and his stepson, Felix Williamson, are both actors. Rory starred as Stork in the 2001 revival of The Coming of Stork at the Stables Theatre in Sydney, produced by Felix's company, the Bare Naked Theatre Company.[citation needed]
Honours and awards
1971 – British George Devine Award
1972 – Australian Writers Guild Awgie Award for best stage play and best script with The Removalists
1983 – appointed an Officer of the Order of Australia[3]
1988 – Honorary Doctor of Letters, University of Sydney
1990 – Honorary Doctor of Letters, Monash University
1995 – Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission Drama Award for Sanctuary [4]
1996 – chosen to deliver the inaugural Andrew Olle Media Lecture
1996 – Honorary Doctor of Letters, Swinburne University of Technology
2004 – Honorary Doctor of Letters, University of Queensland
2012 – Nominated Senior Australian of the Year
Australian Film Institute Awards
1977 – AFI Award, Best Screenplay, Original or Adapted, Don's Party
1981 – AFI Award, Best Screenplay, Original or Adapted, Gallipoli
1987 – AFI Award, Best Screenplay, Adapted, Travelling North
2009 – AFI Award, Best Screenplay, Adapted, Balibo (shared with director Robert Connolly)
Helpmann Awards
The Helpmann Awards is an awards show, celebrating live entertainment and performing arts in Australia, presented by industry group Live Performance Australia (LPA) since 2001.[5] In 2005, Williamson received the JC Williamson Award, the LPA's highest honour, for their life's work in live performance.[6]
Year Nominee / work Award Result
2005 Himself JC Williamson Award awarded
Writings
Plays
The Indecent Exposure of Anthony East (1968)
You've Got to Get on Jack (1970)
The Coming of Stork (1970)
The Removalists (1971)
Don's Party (1971)
Jugglers Three (1972)
What If You Died Tomorrow? (1973)
The Department (1975)
A Handful of Friends (1976)
The Club (1977)
Travelling North (1979)
Celluloid Heroes (1980)
The Perfectionist (1982)
Sons of Cain (1985)
Emerald City (1987)
Top Silk (1989)
Siren (1990)
Money and Friends (1991)
Brilliant Lies (1993)
Sanctuary (1994)
Dead White Males (1995)
Heretic (1996)
Third World Blues (1997, adaptation of Jugglers Three)
After The Ball (1997)
Corporate Vibes (1999)
Face to Face (2000)
The Great Man (2000)
Up for Grabs (2001)
A Conversation (2001)
Charitable Intent (2001)
Soulmates (2002)
Flatfoot (2003)
Birthrights (2003)
Amigos (2004)
Operator (2005)
Influence (2005)
Lotte's Gift (2007) – also known as Strings Under My Fingers
Scarlett O'Hara at the Crimson Parrot (2008)
Let the Sunshine[7] (2009)
Don Parties On (2011)
At Any Cost? (2011)
Nothing Personal (2011)
When Dad Married Fury (2011)
Managing Carmen (2012)
Happiness (2013)
Rupert (2013)
Cruise Control (2014)
Dream Home (2015)
Jack of Hearts (2016)
Credentials (2017)
Sorting Out Rachel (2018)
Nearer the Gods (2018)[8]
The Big Time (2019)
Family Values (2020)
Crunch Time (2020)
Screenplays
Stork (1971) – based on his play
Libido (1972) – segment "The Family Man"
Petersen (1974)
The Removalists (1975) – based on his play
Eliza Fraser (1975)
Don's Party (1976) – based on his play
The Department (1980) (TV movie) – based on his play
The Club (1980) – based on his play
Gallipoli (1981)
Duet for Four (1982)
The Year of Living Dangerously (1983)
Phar Lap (1983)
The Last Bastion (1984) (TV series) – also produced
The Perfectionist (1987) (TV movie) – based on his play
Emerald City (1987) – based on his play
Touch the Sun: Princess Kate (1988) (TV)
A Dangerous Life (1988) (TV mini-series)
The Four Minute Mile (1988)
Sanctuary (1995) – based on his play
Brilliant Lies (1996) – based on his play
Dog's Head Bay (1999) (TV series) – 13 episodes
On the Beach (2000) (TV series)
Balibo (2009)
Face to Face (2011) – based on his play
References
Michael Shmith, "Lunch with David Williamson", The Age, 7 September 2013, Life&Style, p. 3
Craven, Peter (21 October 2021). "The irresistible rise and occasional fall of David Williamson". The Sydney Morning Herald. Retrieved 22 October 2021.
"870154". Australian Honours Search Facility. Archived from the original on 19 December 2023.
"1995 Human Rights Medal and Awards". Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission. Archived from the original on 27 September 2007. Retrieved 11 August 2007.[dead link]
"Events & Programs". Live Performance Australia. Retrieved 17 August 2022.
"JC Williamson Award recipients". Helpmann Awards. Live Performance Australia. Archived from the original on 21 March 2012. Retrieved 17 August 2022.
"Let The Sunshine". Archived from the original on 12 January 2012. Retrieved 11 July 2009.
Nearer the Gods, production details, Queensland Theatre Company
External links
Official website
"David Williamson interviews by Martin Portus, 22 and 23 January 2018" (library record). State Library of New South Wales. Retrieved 4 June 2018.
David Williamson at IMDb
David Williamson playscripts, Australian Script Centre
David Williamson Australian theatre credits at AusStage
vte
Works by David Williamson
Plays
The Indecent Exposure of Anthony East (1968) You've Got to Get on Jack (1970) The Coming of Stork (1970) The Removalists (1971) Don's Party (1971) Jugglers Three (1972) What If You Died Tomorrow? (1973) The Department (1975) A Handful of Friends (1976) The Club (1977) King Lear (1978) Travelling North (1979) Celluloid Heroes (1980) The Perfectionist (1982) Sons of Cain (1985) Emerald City (1987) Top Silk (1989) Siren (1990) Money and Friends (1991) Brilliant Lies (1993) Sanctuary (1994) Dead White Males (1995) Heretic (1996) Third World Blues (1997) After the Ball (1997) Corporate Vibes (1999) Face to Face (2000) The Great Man (2000) Up for Grabs (2001) A Conversation (2001) Charitable Intent (2001) Soulmates (2002) Flatfoot (2003) Birthrights (2003) Amigos (2004) Operator (2005) Influence (2005) Lotte's Gift (2007) Scarlett O'Hara at the Crimson Parrot (2008) Let the Sunshine (2009) Rhinestone Rex and Miss Monica (2010) Don Parties On (2011) At Any Cost? (2011) Nothing Personal (2011) When Dad Married Fury (2011) Managing Carmen (2012) Happiness (2013) Rupert (2013) Cruise Control (2014) Dream Home (2015) Jack of Hearts (2016) Odd Man Out (2017) Credentials (2017) Sorting Out Rachel (2018) Nearer the Gods (2018) The Big Time (2019) Family Values (2020) Crunch Time (2020) The Great Divide (2024)
Screenplays
Stork (1971) Libido (1973) Petersen (1974) The Removalists (1975) Eliza Fraser (1975) Don's Party (1976) The Department (1980) (TV movie) The Club (1980) Gallipoli (1981) Duet for Four (1982) The Year of Living Dangerously (1983) Phar Lap (1983) The Last Bastion (1984) (TV series) - also produced The Perfectionist (1987) (TV movie) Emerald City (1987) Travelling North (1987) Touch the Sun: Princess Kate (1988) (TV) A Dangerous Life (1988) (TV mini-series) The Four Minute Mile (1988) Sanctuary (1995) Brilliant Lies (1996) Dog's Head Bay (1999) (TV series) On the Beach (2000) (TV series) Balibo (2009) Face to Face (2011)
vte
JC Williamson Award
Edna Edgley (1998) Kenn Brodziak (1998) Googie Withers (1999) John McCallum (1999) Ruth Cracknell (2001) Clifford Hocking (2001) Kevin Jacobsen (2002) Graeme Murphy (2002) Wendy Blacklock (2003) John Robertson (2003) John Farnham (2004) John Sumner (2004) Joan Sutherland (2005) David Williamson (2005) John Clark (2006) Graeme Bell (2006) Margaret Scott (2007) Barry Tuckwell (2007) Sue Nattrass (2008) Barry Humphries (2008) John Bell (2009) Michael Gudinski (2009) Tony Gould (2010) Brian Nebenzahl (2010) Nancye Hayes (2011) Toni Lamond (2011) Jill Perryman (2011) Jimmy Little (2012) Katharine Brisbane (2012) Kylie Minogue (2013) David Blenkinsop (2013) John Frost (2014) Paul Kelly (2015) Stephen Page (2016) Richard Tognetti (2017) Robyn Archer (2018) Reg Livermore (2018) Robyn Nevin (2018) Archie Roach (2018) Jim Sharman (2018) Kev Carmody (2019)
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Longford Lyell Award
Ian Dunlop (1968) Stanley Hawes (1970) Ken G. Hall (1976) Charles Chauvel (1977) Marie Lorraine, Paulette McDonagh, and Phyllis McDonagh (1978) Jerzy Toeplitz (1979) Tim Burstall (1980) Phillip Adams (1981) Eric Porter (1982) Bill Gooley (1983) David Williamson (1984) Don Crosby (1985) Barry Jones (1986) Paul Riomfalvy (1987) Russell Boyd (1988) John Meillon (1989) Peter Weir (1990) Fred Schepisi (1991) Lee Robinson (1992) Sue Milliken (1993) Jack Thompson (1994) George Miller (1995) Jan Chapman (1997) Bud Tingwell (1998) John Politzer (1999) Anthony Buckley (2000) David Stratton (2001) Patricia Edgar (2002) Ted Robinson (2003) Patricia Lovell (2004) Ray Barrett (2005) Ian Jones (2006) David Hannay (2007) Dione Gilmour (2008) Geoffrey Rush (2009) Reg Grundy (2010) Donald McAlpine (2012) Al Clark (2013) Jacki Weaver (2014) Andrew Knight (2015) Cate Blanchett (2015) Paul Hogan (2016) Phillip Noyce (2017) Bryan Brown (2018) Sam Neill (2019) David Gulpilil (2021) Catherine Martin (2022)
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https://thememoryhole.substack.com/
"The New Rulers of the World" is a documentary film directed by John Pilger that exposes the collusion between Western governments, multinational corporations, and international financial institutions in exploiting developing countries. Pilger argues that these powerful entities have created a new form of imperialism that operates under the guise of globalization and free-market capitalism.
The documentary examines several case studies, including Indonesia, where the overthrow of the democratically elected president, Sukarno, and the installation of a military dictatorship enabled the exploitation of the country's natural resources by Western corporations. Pilger also examines the role of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank in imposing economic policies that benefit Western corporations at the expense of developing countries.
Pilger's film also highlights the consequences of these policies, such as poverty, social inequality, and environmental degradation. The documentary features interviews with activists, politicians, and intellectuals, including Joseph Stiglitz, the former Chief Economist of the World Bank, who criticize the economic policies promoted by the IMF and the World Bank.
Overall, "The New Rulers of the World" is a powerful critique of the neo-liberal economic policies that dominate international development and a call for greater accountability and transparency in the actions of powerful institutions that affect the lives of millions of people around the world.
Jonathan Kwitny was an investigative journalist who made a name for himself in the 1980s with his groundbreaking reporting on corruption and malfeasance in the world of international finance and politics. One of his most important works was the book "The Crimes of Patriots," which was published in 1987.
The book delves into the shadowy world of covert operations and espionage, particularly in the context of the Cold War era. Kwitny focuses on the activities of a group of American businessmen who were involved in supplying weapons and other support to anti-communist forces in various countries around the world. However, Kwitny argues that many of these businessmen were not motivated by any kind of patriotic or ideological beliefs, but rather by a desire for personal profit and power.
Kwitny's reporting is meticulous and exhaustive, drawing on a wide range of sources and interviews with key players in the events he describes. He paints a picture of a world in which shady deals and backroom machinations were the norm, and in which ordinary people were often used and discarded by those in power.
One of the key figures in the book is a man named Richard Secord, a former Air Force general who became a central figure in the Iran-Contra scandal. Kwitny argues that Secord was part of a network of businessmen who were using their connections in the intelligence community to further their own interests, often at the expense of the United States government and the American people.
Overall, "The Crimes of Patriots" is a powerful indictment of the way that power and money intersect in the world of international politics. Kwitny's reporting is fearless and uncompromising, and his insights into the workings of the intelligence community and the global arms trade remain relevant to this day.
Jonathan Kwitny (March 23, 1941 – November 26, 1998) was an American investigative journalist.
Biography
Kwitny was born in Indianapolis.[1] He earned a bachelor's degree in journalism at the University of Missouri's School of Journalism in 1962, and a master's degree in history at New York University in 1964.[1] Kwitny was married twice. His first wife, Martha Kaplan, a deputy New Jersey state attorney general, with whom he had two daughters, died in 1978.[1] His second wife was the poet Wendy Wood Kwitny, with whom he had two sons.[1] Jonathan Kwitny died of stomach cancer in 1998.[1]
His awards included the George Polk Award for television investigative reporting and the University of Missouri School of Journalism's honor medal for career achievement. Kwitny was also the author of several books on subjects which ranged from the Nugan Hand Bank scandal to a biography of Pope John Paul II.
Career
Kwitny's career in journalism began as a reporter for the Perth Amboy News Tribune in 1963.[2] In 1971 he joined The Wall Street Journal, where his articles frequently appeared as front-page features.[1] In 1987, together with producer Tom Naughton, Kwitny created a half-hour news program for New York's WNYC-TV called The Kwitny Report.[3] The show was carried on the PBS network and won the Polk Award for television investigative reporting in 1989,[4] but was canceled that same year.[5] At the time of his death, he was working for the Gannett newspaper company.[1]
Kwitny was the author of a number of non-fiction books, including a biography of Pope John Paul II. When Kwitny met John Paul in the Vatican for a private audience in 1998, the Pope's first comment to him was, "I have read your book."[6]
Works
Books
The Mullendore Murder Case (1974). On the murder of Oklahoma rancher E.C. Mullendore III.
Shakedown (1977). A novel.
Vicious Circles: The Mafia in the Marketplace (1979). On Mafia involvement in white-collar crime. Extract via FBI.
Endless Enemies: The Making of an Unfriendly World (1984). On U.S. foreign policy.
The Crimes of Patriots: A True Story of Dope, Dirty Money, and the CIA (1988). On the Nugan Hand Bank scandal.
Acceptable Risks (1992). On unapproved treatments for AIDS.
The Super Swindlers: The Incredible Record of America's Greatest Financial Scams (1994)
An update of The Fountain Pen Conspiracy (1973)
Man of the Century: The Life and Times of Pope John Paul II (1997). ISBN 978-0805026887.
Book reviews
"Reinvestigating Watergate: The Elusive Glow of Truth." Review of Secret Agenda, by Jim Hougan. Wall Street Journal (Jan. 3, 1985), p. 9.
References
Saxon, Wolfgang (November 28, 1998). "Jonathan Kwitny, 57, Author And Prize-Winning Reporter". The New York Times. pp. C16.[1]
Weinberg, Steve (February 1999). "Guts and accuracy--the Kwitny trademarks". The IRE Journal. Investigative Reporters and Editors. 22 (1): 9–10.[2]
Kubasik, Ben (October 14, 1987). "TV Spots". Newsday. Long Island, NY. p. B11.
"1989 George Polk Award Winners". George Polk Awards: Past Winners. Retrieved 2015-04-21.
Gerard, Jeremy (March 8, 1990). "Dinkins Appoints a New Head of WNYC". The New York Times. p. C22.[3]
Kwitny, Jonathan. "My Visit With the Pope". Slate Magazine. Retrieved May 14, 2012.
Further reading
"John Paul II & the Fall of Communism," by Jane Barnes & Helen Whitney. PBS Frontline (Sep. 1999). Critical of Man of the Century.
"PBS: The Decline & Fall of 'Public' Broadcasting," by Tara Gadomski and Esben Kjaer. Consortium News. On the cancellation of The Kwitny Report.
External links
Jonathan Kwitny at Spartacus Educational
Personal file at the FBI via Internet Archive
Authority control Edit this at Wikidata
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Categories:
1941 births1998 deathsAmerican male journalists20th-century American journalistsAmerican investigative journalistsThe Wall Street Journal peopleWriters from IndianapolisMissouri School of Journalism alumniNew York University alumniGeorge Polk Award recipientsDeaths from cancer in New York (state)20th-century American non-fiction writers20th-century American male writers
On January 11, 1973, former White House consultant and Watergate defendant E. Howard Hunt talked to the press outside the federal court. Hunt's wife and lawyers also arrived at the court, and reporters asked for their comments on the case.
Hunt told reporters that the opening statement made about him by Assistant US Attorney Earl J. Silbert, the chief prosecutor at the Watergate trial, was "essentially correct." Hunt also said that the money for his bond came from his late wife's insurance policy.
Hunt admitted to pleading guilty to all counts against him in the hope of a lighter sentence. He said that because of his wife's recent death, he could not endure a long trial. Hunt also claimed that, to his "personal knowledge," there was no involvement of "higher-ups" in the Watergate scandal.
Meanwhile, G. Gordon Liddy, another defendant in the Watergate case, entered the court building, followed by other defendants. Hunt continued to give interviews in front of the court building, answering reporters' questions about his involvement in the Watergate scandal.
The Watergate scandal involved a break-in at the Democratic National Committee (DNC) headquarters at the Watergate office complex in Washington, D.C., on June 17, 1972. The break-in was carried out by members of President Richard Nixon's re-election campaign. The incident triggered a series of investigations, leading to Nixon's resignation on August 9, 1974, and the conviction of several of his associates.
E. Howard Hunt was a former CIA operative who worked as a White House consultant during the Nixon administration. He was involved in planning and executing the Watergate break-in. Hunt was sentenced to 33 months in prison for his role in the Watergate scandal.
Everette Howard Hunt Jr. (October 9, 1918 – January 23, 2007) was an American intelligence officer and author. From 1949 to 1970, Hunt served as an officer in the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), particularly in the United States involvement in regime change in Latin America including the 1954 Guatemalan coup d'état and the 1961 Bay of Pigs invasion. Along with G. Gordon Liddy, Frank Sturgis, and others, Hunt was one of the Nixon administration "plumbers", a team of operatives charged with identifying government sources of national security information "leaks" to outside parties. Hunt and Liddy plotted the Watergate burglaries and other clandestine operations for the Nixon administration. In the ensuing Watergate scandal, Hunt was convicted of burglary, conspiracy, and wiretapping, eventually serving 33 months in prison. After release, Hunt lived in Mexico and then Florida until his death.
Early life
Birthplace of E. Howard Hunt
Hunt was born in Hamburg, New York,[1] United States, the son of Ethel Jean (Totterdale) and Everette Howard Hunt Sr., an attorney and Republican Party official. He graduated, along with Howard J. Osborn[2] from Hamburg High School in 1936[3] and Brown University in 1940. During World War II, Hunt served in the U.S. Navy on the destroyer USS Mayo, the United States Army Air Corps, and finally, the Office of Strategic Services (OSS), the precursor to the CIA, in China.[4]
Career
Author
Hunt was a prolific author, having published 73 books during his lifetime.[5] During and after the war, he wrote several novels under his own name, including East of Farewell (1942), Limit of Darkness (1944), Stranger in Town (1947), Maelstrom (1949) Bimini Run (1949), and The Violent Ones (1950). He also wrote spy and hardboiled novels under an array of pseudonyms, including Robert Dietrich, Gordon Davis, David St. John, and P. S. Donoghue. Hunt won a Guggenheim Fellowship for his writing in 1946. Some have found parallels between his writings and his experiences during Watergate and espionage.[6] He continued his writing career after he was released from prison, publishing nearly twenty spy thrillers between 1980 and 2000.[1][7]
Economic Cooperation Administration
Prior to 1949, Hunt served as an Officer in the Information Division of the Economic Cooperation Administration, a predecessor of the Mutual Security Agency.[8]
CIA
Anti-Castro efforts
Shortly following the end of World War II the OSS was disbanded. The subsequent emergence of the Cold War and the lack of a central intelligence organization resulted in the CIA's formation in 1947. Warner Bros. had just bought rights to Hunt's novel Bimini Run when he joined the CIA's Office of Policy Coordination (OPC) in October 1949. He was assigned as a covert action officer specializing in political action and influence in what later came to be called the CIA's Special Activities Division.[9]
According to David Talbot, "Howard Hunt prided himself on being part of the CIA’s upper tier. But that’s not how he was viewed at the top of the agency. Hunt liked to brag that he had family connections to Wild Bill Donovan himself, who had admitted him into the OSS, the original roundtable of American intelligence. But it turned out that Hunt’s father was a lobbyist in upstate New York to whom Donovan owed a favor, not a fellow Wall Street lawyer. Everyone knew Hunt was a writer, but they also knew he was no Ian Fleming. To the Georgetown set, there would always be something low-rent about men like Hunt—as well as William Harvey and David Morales. The CIA was a cold hierarchy. Men like this would never be invited for lunch with Allen Dulles at the Alibi Club or to play tennis with Dick Helms at the Chevy Chase Club. These men were indispensable—until they became expendable."[10]
Mexico, Guatemala, Japan, Uruguay and Cuba
Hunt became the OPC Station Chief in Mexico City in 1950, and recruited and supervised William F. Buckley Jr., who worked under Hunt[11] in his OPC Station in Mexico during the period 1951–1952. Buckley and Hunt remained lifelong friends, and Buckley became godfather to Hunt's first three children.[12]
In Mexico, Hunt helped lay the framework for Operation PBFortune, later renamed Operation PBSuccess, the successful covert operation to overthrow Jacobo Árbenz, the democratically elected president of Guatemala. Hunt was assigned as Chief of Covert Action in Japan. He afterwards served as Chief of Station in Uruguay, (where he was noted by American diplomatic contemporary Samuel F. Hart for controversial working methods).[1] Hunt would later say "What we wanted to do was to have a terror campaign, to terrify Arbenz particularly, to terrify his troops, much as the German Stuka bombers terrified the population of Holland, Belgium and Poland”.[13][14]
Hunt was subsequently given the assignment of forging Cuban exile leaders in the United States into a suitably representative government-in-exile that would, after the Bay of Pigs Invasion, form a pro-American Puppet state intent on taking over Cuba.[15] The failure of the invasion temporarily damaged his career.[citation needed]
Hunt was undeniably bitter about what he perceived as President John F. Kennedy's lack of commitment in attacking and overthrowing the government of Cuba.[16] In his semi-fictional autobiography, Give Us This Day, he wrote: "The Kennedy administration yielded Castro all the excuse he needed to gain a tighter grip on the island of José Martí, then moved shamefacedly into the shadows and hoped the Cuban issue would simply melt away."
Executive Assistant to DCI Allen Dulles
In 1959 Hunt helped CIA Director Allen W. Dulles write The Craft of Intelligence.[17] The following year Hunt established Brigade 2506, an Agency-sponsored group of Cuban exiles formed to attempt the military overthrow of the Cuban government headed by Fidel Castro. It carried out the abortive Bay of Pigs Invasion landings in Cuba on 17 April 1961. After that fiasco, Hunt was reassigned as Executive Assistant to Dulles.[18]
Other work
After President John F. Kennedy fired Dulles in 1961 for the Bay of Pigs failure, Hunt served as the first Chief of Covert Action for the Domestic Operations Division (DODS) from 1962 to 1964.
Hunt told The New York Times in 1974 that he spent about four years working for DODS, beginning shortly after it was set up by the Kennedy administration in 1962, over the "strenuous opposition" of Richard Helms and Thomas H. Karamessines. He said that the division was assembled shortly after the Bay of Pigs operation, and that "many men connected with that failure were shunted into the new domestic unit." He said that some of his projects from 1962 to 1966, which dealt largely with the subsidizing and manipulation of news and publishing organizations in the US, "did seem to violate the intent of the agency's charter."[19]
In 1964, DCI John A. McCone directed Hunt to take a special assignment as a Non-Official Cover (NOC) officer in Madrid, Spain, tasked to create the American answer to Ian Fleming's British MI-6 James Bond novel series. While assigned in Spain, Hunt was covered as a recently retired U.S. State Department Foreign Service Officer (FSO) who had moved his family to Spain in order to write the first installment of the 9-novel Peter Ward series, On Hazardous Duty (1965).
After a year and a half in Spain, Hunt returned to his assignment at DODS. Following a brief tenure on the Special Activities Staff of the Western European Division, he became Chief of Covert Action for the region (while remaining based in the Washington metropolitan area) in July 1968. Hunt was lauded for his "sagacity, balance and imagination", and received the second-highest rating of Strong (signifying "performance ... characterized by exceptional proficiency") in a performance review from the Division's Chief of Operations in April 1969. However, this was downgraded to the third-highest rating of Adequate in an amendment from the Division's Deputy Chief, who recognized Hunt's "broad experience" but opined that "a series of personal and taxing problems" had "tended to dull his cutting edge."[20] Hunt would later maintain that he "had been stigmatized by the Bay of Pigs", and had come to terms with the fact that he "would not get promoted too much higher."[21] In these final years of Hunt's CIA service, he began to cultivate new contacts in "society and the business world."[21] While serving as vice president of the Brown University Club of Washington, he befriended and commenced a strong association with the organization's president, former congressional aide Charles Colson, who soon began working on Richard Nixon's presidential campaign.[22] Hunt retired from the CIA at the pay grade of GS-15, Step 8[23] on April 30, 1970.
Upon retiring from the CIA, Hunt neglected to elect survivorship benefits for his wife. An April 1971 request to retroactively amend his election was rebuffed by the agency. In a May 5, 1972, letter to CIA General Counsel Lawrence Houston, Hunt raised the possibility of returning to active duty for a short period of time in exchange for activating the benefits upon his proposed second retirement. Houston advised Hunt in his May 16 response that this "would be in violation of the spirit of the CIA Retirement Act".[23]
Immediately following his retirement, he went to work for the Robert R. Mullen Company, which cooperated with the CIA; H. R. Haldeman, White House Chief of Staff to President Nixon, wrote in 1978 that the Mullen Company was in fact a CIA front company, a fact that was apparently unknown to Haldeman while he worked in the White House.[24] Through CIA's Project QKENCHANT, Hunt obtained a Covert Security Approval to handle the firm's affairs during Mullen's absence from Washington.[25][26]
White House service
Watergate scandal
Watergate complex
Events
List
People
Watergate burglars
Groups
CRP
White House
Richard Nixon Alexander Butterfield Charles Colson John Dean John Ehrlichman Gerald Ford H. R. Haldeman E. Howard Hunt Egil Krogh G. Gordon Liddy Gordon C. Strachan Rose Mary Woods
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In 1971, Hunt was hired as a consultant by Colson, by now director of Nixon's Office of Public Liaison, and joined the White House Special Investigations Unit, specializing in political sabotage.[4]
Hunt's first assignment for the White House was a covert operation to break into the Los Angeles office of Daniel Ellsberg's psychiatrist, Lewis J. Fielding.[27] In July 1971, Fielding had refused a request from the Federal Bureau of Investigation for psychiatric data on Ellsberg.[28] Hunt and Liddy cased the building in late August.[29] The burglary, on September 3, 1971, was not detected, but no Ellsberg files were found.[30]
Also in the summer of 1971, Colson authorized Hunt to travel to New England to seek potentially scandalous information on Senator Edward Kennedy, specifically pertaining to the Chappaquiddick incident and to Kennedy's possible extramarital affairs.[24] Hunt sought and used CIA disguises and other equipment for the project.[31] This mission eventually proved unsuccessful, with little if any useful information uncovered by Hunt.[24]
Hunt's White House duties included assassinations-related disinformation. In September 1971, Hunt forged and offered to a Life magazine reporter two top-secret U.S. State Department cables designed to prove that President Kennedy had personally and specifically ordered the assassination of South Vietnam President Ngo Dinh Diem and his brother, Ngô Đình Nhu, during the 1963 South Vietnamese coup.[32] Hunt told the Senate Watergate Committee in 1973 that he had fabricated the cables to show a link between President Kennedy and the assassination of Diem, a Catholic, to estrange Catholic voters from the Democratic Party, after Colson suggested he "might be able to improve upon the record."[33]
In 1972, Hunt and Liddy were part of an assassination plot targeting journalist Jack Anderson, on orders from Colson.[34] Nixon had disliked Anderson because during the 1960 presidential election Anderson had published an election-eve story concerning a secret loan from Howard Hughes to Nixon's brother,[35] which Nixon believed was the reason he lost the election. Hunt and Liddy met with a CIA operative and discussed methods of assassinating Anderson, which included covering Anderson's car steering wheel with LSD to drug him and cause a fatal accident,[4] poisoning his aspirin bottle, and staging a fatal robbery. The assassination plot never materialized because Hunt and Liddy were arrested for their involvement in the Watergate scandal later that year.
Watergate scandal
Main article: Watergate scandal
According to Seymour Hersh, writing in The New Yorker, Nixon White House tapes show that after presidential candidate George Wallace was shot on May 15, 1972, Nixon and Colson agreed to send Hunt to the Milwaukee home of the gunman, Arthur Bremer, to place McGovern presidential campaign material there. The intention was to link Bremer with the Democrats. Hersh writes that, in a taped conversation, "Nixon is energized and excited by what seems to be the ultimate political dirty trick: the FBI and the Milwaukee police will be convinced, and will tell the world, that the attempted assassination of Wallace had its roots in left-wing Democratic politics." Hunt did not make the trip, however, because the FBI had moved too quickly to seal Bremer's apartment and place it under police guard.[36]
Hunt organized the bugging of the Democratic National Committee at the Watergate office building.[37] Hunt and fellow operative G. Gordon Liddy, along with the five burglars arrested at the Watergate, were indicted on federal charges three months later.
Hunt put pressure on the White House and the Committee to Re-Elect the President for cash payments to cover legal fees, family support, and expenses, for himself and his fellow burglars. Key Nixon figures, including Haldeman, Charles Colson, Herbert W. Kalmbach, John Mitchell, Fred LaRue, and John Dean eventually became entangled in the payoff schemes, and large amounts of money were passed to Hunt and his accomplices, to try to ensure their silence at the trial, by pleading guilty to avoid prosecutors' questions, and afterwards.[38] Tenacious media, including The Washington Post and The New York Times, eventually used investigative journalism to break open the payoff scheme, and published many articles that proved to be the beginning of the end for the cover-up. Prosecutors had to follow up once the media reported. Hunt also pressured Colson, Dean, and John Ehrlichman to ask Nixon for clemency in sentencing, and eventual presidential pardons for himself and his cronies; this eventually helped to implicate and snare those higher up.[39]
Hunt was sentenced to 30 months to 8 years in prison,[40] and spent 33 months in prison at Federal Correctional Complex, Allenwood and the low-security Federal Prison Camp at Eglin Air Force Base, Florida, on a conspiracy charge, arriving at the latter institution on April 25, 1975.[41] While at Allenwood, he suffered a mild stroke.[42]
JFK conspiracy allegations
Hunt supported the Warren Commission's conclusion that Lee Harvey Oswald acted alone in the assassination of John F. Kennedy.[43]
Early allegations: Hunt as one of the "three tramps"
Main article: Three tramps
E. Howard Hunt and one of the three tramps arrested after the assassination of President Kennedy.
The Dallas Morning News, the Dallas Times Herald, and the Fort Worth Star-Telegram photographed three transients under police escort near the Texas School Book Depository shortly after the assassination of Kennedy.[44] The men later became known as the "three tramps".[45] According to Vincent Bugliosi, allegations that these men were involved in a conspiracy originated from theorist Richard E. Sprague who compiled the photographs in 1966 and 1967, and subsequently turned them over to Jim Garrison during his investigation of Clay Shaw.[45] Appearing before a nationwide audience on the December 31, 1968, episode of The Tonight Show, Garrison held up a photo of the three and suggested they were involved in the assassination.[45] Later, in 1974, assassination researchers Alan J. Weberman and Michael Canfield compared photographs of the men to people they believed to be suspects involved in a conspiracy and said that two of the men were Watergate burglars E. Howard Hunt and Frank Sturgis.[46] Comedian and civil rights activist Dick Gregory helped bring national media attention to the allegations against Hunt and Sturgis in 1975 after obtaining the comparison photographs from Weberman and Canfield.[46] Immediately after obtaining the photographs, Gregory held a press conference that received considerable coverage and his charges were reported in Rolling Stone and Newsweek.[46][47]
The Rockefeller Commission reported in 1975 that they investigated the allegation that Hunt and Sturgis, on behalf of the CIA, participated in the assassination of Kennedy.[48] The final report of that commission stated that witnesses who testified that the "derelicts" bore a resemblance to Hunt or Sturgis "were not shown to have any qualifications in photo identification beyond that possessed by an average layman".[49] Their report also stated that FBI Agent Lyndal L. Shaneyfelt, "a nationally-recognized expert in photoidentification and photoanalysis" with the FBI photographic laboratory, had concluded from photo comparison that none of the men was Hunt or Sturgis.[50] In 1979, the United States House Select Committee on Assassinations reported that forensic anthropologists had again analyzed and compared the photographs of the "tramps" with those of Hunt and Sturgis, as well as with photographs of Thomas Vallee, Daniel Carswell, and Fred Lee Chrisman.[51] According to the Committee, only Chrisman resembled any of the tramps, but determined that he was not in Dealey Plaza on the day of the assassination.[51]
In 1992, journalist Mary La Fontaine discovered the November 22, 1963, arrest records that the Dallas Police Department had released in 1989, which named the three men as Gus W. Abrams, Harold Doyle, and John F. Gedney.[52] According to the arrest reports, the three men were "taken off a boxcar in the railroad yards right after President Kennedy was shot", detained as "investigative prisoners", described as unemployed and passing through Dallas, then released four days later.[52]
Compulsive Spy and Coup d'Etat in America
In 1973, Viking Press published Tad Szulc's book about Hunt's career titled Compulsive Spy.[53] Szulc, a former correspondent for The New York Times, claimed unnamed CIA sources told him that Hunt, working with Rolando Cubela Secades, had a role in coordinating the assassination of Castro for an aborted second invasion of Cuba.[53] In one passage, he also stated that Hunt was the acting chief of the CIA station in Mexico City in 1963 while Lee Harvey Oswald was there.[54][55][nb 1]
The Rockefeller Commission's June 1975 report stated that they investigated allegations that the CIA, including Hunt, may have had contact with Oswald or Jack Ruby.[57] According to the Commission, one "witness testified that E. Howard Hunt was Acting Chief of a CIA Station in Mexico City in 1963, implying that he could have had contact with Oswald when Oswald visited Mexico City in September 1963."[58] Their report stated that there was "no credible evidence" of CIA involvement in the assassination and noted: "At no time was [Hunt] ever the Chief, or Acting Chief, of a CIA Station in Mexico City.[58]
Released in the Fall of 1975 after the Rockefeller Commission's report, Weberman and Canfield's book Coup d'Etat in America reiterated Szulc's allegation.[55][nb 2] In July 1976, Hunt filed a $2.5 million libel suit against the authors, as well as the book's publishers and editor.[59] According to Ellis Rubin, Hunt's attorney who filed the suit in a Miami federal court, the book said that Hunt took part in the assassination of Kennedy and Martin Luther King Jr.[59]
As part of his suit, Hunt filed a legal action in the United States District Court for the Eastern District of Virginia in September 1978 requesting that Szulc be cited for contempt if he refused to divulge his sources.[54] Three months earlier, Szulc stated in a deposition that he refused to name his sources due to "the professional confidentiality of sources" and "journalistic privilege".[54] Rubin stated that knowing the source of the allegation that Hunt was in Mexico City in 1963 was important because Szulc's passage "is what everybody uses as an authority ... he's cited in everything written on E. Howard Hunt".[54] He added that rumors that Hunt was involved in the Kennedy assassination might be put to end if Szulc's source was revealed.[54] Stating that Hunt had not provided a sufficient reason to override Szulc's First Amendment rights to protect the confidentiality of his sources, United States District Judge Albert Vickers Bryan Jr. ruled in favor of Szulc.[55]
Libel suit: Liberty Lobby and The Spotlight
On November 3, 1978, Hunt gave a security-classified deposition for the House Select Committee on Assassinations. He denied knowledge of any conspiracy to kill Kennedy. (The Assassination Records Review Board (ARRB) released the deposition in February 1996.)[60] Two newspaper articles published a few months before the deposition stated that a 1966 CIA memo linking Hunt to the assassination of President Kennedy had recently been provided to the HSCA. The first article, by Victor Marchetti – author of the book The CIA and the Cult of Intelligence (1974) – appeared in the Liberty Lobby newspaper The Spotlight on August 14, 1978. According to Marchetti, the memo said in essence, "Some day we will have to explain Hunt's presence in Dallas on November 22, 1963."[61] He also wrote that Hunt, Frank Sturgis, and Gerry Patrick Hemming would soon be implicated in a conspiracy to kill John F. Kennedy.
The second article, by Joseph J. Trento and Jacquie Powers, appeared six days later in the Sunday edition of The News Journal, Wilmington, Delaware.[62] It alleged that the purported memo was initialed by Richard Helms and James Angleton and showed that, shortly after Helms and Angleton were elevated to their highest positions in the CIA, they discussed the fact that Hunt had been in Dallas on the day of the assassination and that his presence there had to be kept secret. However, nobody has been able to produce this supposed memo, and the United States President's Commission on CIA Activities within the United States determined that Hunt had been in Washington, D.C., on the day of the assassination.[63]
Hunt sued Liberty Lobby – but not the Sunday News Journal – for libel. Liberty Lobby stipulated, in this first trial, that the question of Hunt's alleged involvement in the assassination would not be contested.[64] Hunt prevailed and was awarded $650,000 damages. In 1983, however, the case was overturned on appeal because of error in jury instructions.[65] In a second trial, held in 1985, Mark Lane made an issue of Hunt's location on the day of the Kennedy assassination.[66] Lane successfully defended Liberty Lobby by producing evidence suggesting that Hunt had been in Dallas. He used depositions from David Atlee Phillips, Richard Helms, G. Gordon Liddy, Stansfield Turner, and Marita Lorenz, plus a cross-examination of Hunt. On retrial, the jury rendered a verdict for Liberty Lobby.[67] Lane claimed he convinced the jury that Hunt was a JFK assassination conspirator, but some of the jurors who were interviewed by the media said they disregarded the conspiracy theory and judged the case (according to the judge's jury instructions) on whether the article was published with "reckless disregard for the truth."[68] Lane outlined his theory about Hunt's and the CIA's role in Kennedy's murder in a 1991 book, Plausible Denial.[69]
Mitrokhin Archive
Main article: Mitrokhin Archive
Former KGB archivist Vasili Mitrokhin indicated in 1999 that Hunt was made part of a fabricated conspiracy theory disseminated by a Soviet "active measures" program designed to discredit the CIA and the United States.[70][71] According to Mitrokhin, the KGB created a forged letter from Oswald to Hunt implying that the two were linked as conspirators, then forwarded copies of it to "three of the most active conspiracy buffs" in 1975.[70] Mitrokhin indicated that the photocopies were accompanied by a fake cover letter from an anonymous source alleging that the original had been given to FBI Director Clarence M. Kelley and was apparently being suppressed.[70]
Kerry Thornley's Memoir
According to Kerry Thornley, who served with Oswald in the Marine Corps and wrote the biographical book The Idle Warriors about him before the assassination of the president (the manuscript was seized during the investigation and was kept as physical evidence for a long time),[72] Thornley regularly met with a man in New Orleans known to him as Gary Kirstein, with whom they discussed the assassination of John F. Kennedy. Also, according to Thornley, Kirstein in those years wanted to organize the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr. and planned to "frame a jailbird for it."[73] In "Confession to Conspiracy to Assassinate JFK by Kerry Thornley as told to Sondra London" he said that after Watergate, when photos of Howard Hunt appeared in the media, he found that he was very similar to his acquaintance Kirstein, along with whom they discussed organizing the assassination of the president.[74]
"Deathbed confession" of involvement in Kennedy assassination
After Hunt's death, Howard St. John Hunt and David Hunt stated that their father had recorded several claims about himself and others being involved in a conspiracy to assassinate President John F. Kennedy.[4][75] Notes and audio recordings were made. In the April 5, 2007, issue of Rolling Stone, St. John Hunt detailed a number of individuals purported to be implicated by his father, including Lyndon B. Johnson, Cord Meyer, David Atlee Phillips, Frank Sturgis, David Morales, Antonio Veciana, William Harvey, and an assassin he termed "French gunman grassy knoll" who many presume is Lucien Sarti.[4][76] The two sons alleged that their father cut the information from his memoirs to avoid possible perjury charges.[75] According to Hunt's widow and other children, the two sons took advantage of Hunt's loss of lucidity by coaching and exploiting him for financial gain and furthermore falsified accounts of Hunt's supposed confession.[75] The Los Angeles Times said they examined the materials offered by the sons to support the story and found them to be "inconclusive".[75]
Memoir: American Spy: My Secret History in the CIA, Watergate, and Beyond
Hunt's memoir, American Spy: My Secret History in the CIA, Watergate, and Beyond,[77] was ghost-written by Greg Aunapu and published by John Wiley & Sons in March 2007.[78] According to the Hunt Literary Estate, Hunt had intended to write an update to his 1974 autobiography Undercover and supplement this edition with post-9/11 reflections, but by the time he had embarked on the project, he was too ill to continue. This prompted John Wiley & Sons to search for and hire a ghost writer to write the book in its entirety. According to St. John Hunt, it was he who suggested to his father the idea of a memoir to reveal what he knew about the Kennedy assassination, but the Hunt Literary Estate refutes this as scurrilous.[75]
The foreword to American Spy was written by William F. Buckley Jr.[79] According to Buckley, he was asked through an intermediary to write the introduction but declined after he found that the manuscript contained material "that suggested transgressions of the highest order, including a hint that LBJ might have had a hand in the plot to assassinate President Kennedy."[79] He stated that the work "was clearly ghostwritten", and eventually agreed to write an introduction focusing on his early friendship with Hunt after he received a revised manuscript "with the loony grassy-knoll bits chiseled out".[79]
Publishers Weekly called American Spy a "breezy, unrepentant memoir" and described it as a "nostalgic memoir [that] breaks scant new ground in an already crowded field".[80] Tim Rutten of the Los Angeles Times said it was "a bitter and self-pitying memoir" and "offers a rather standard account of how men of his generation became involved in intelligence work".[81] Referencing the book's title, Tim Weiner of The New York Times wrote: "American Spy is presented as a 'secret history,' a double-barreled misrepresentation. There are no real secrets in this book. As history it is bunk."[82] Weiner said that the author's examination of the Kennedy assassination was the low-point of the book, indicating that Hunt pretended to take various conspiracy theories, including the involvement of former President Johnson, seriously.[82] He concluded his review describing it as a work "in a long tradition of arrant nonsense" and "a book to shun".[82] Joseph C. Goulden of The Washington Times described it as a "true mess of a book" and dismissed Hunt's allegations against Johnson as "fantasy".[83] Goulden summarized his review: "I wish now that I had not read this pathetic book. Avoid it."[83]
Writing for The Christian Science Monitor, Daniel Schorr said "Hunt tells most of his Watergate venture fairly straight".[84] Contrasting this opinion, Politico's James Rosen described the chapters regarding Watergate as the "[m]ost problematic" and wrote: "There are numerous factual errors – misspelled names, wrong dates, phantom participants in meetings, fictitious orders given – and the authors never substantively address, only pause occasionally to demean, the vast scholarly literature that has arisen in the last two decades to explain the central mystery of Watergate."[85] Rosen's review was not entirely negative and he indicated that the book "succeeds in taking readers beyond the caricatures and conspiracy theories to preserve the valuable memory of Hunt as he really was: passionate patriot; committed Cold Warrior; a lover of fine food, wine and women; incurable intriguer, wicked wit and superb storyteller."[85] Dennis Lythgoe of Deseret News said "[t]he writing style is awkward and often embarrassing", but that "the book as a whole is a fascinating look into the mind of one of the major Watergate figures".[86] In National Review, Mark Riebling praised American Spy as "the only autobiography I know of that convincingly conveys what it was like to be an American spy."[87] The Boston Globe writer Martin Nolan called it "admirable and important" and said that Hunt "presents a livelier, tabloid version of the 1970s".[88] According to Nolan: "It is the best moment-by-moment depiction of the June 17, 1972, burglary of Democratic National Committee headquarters I have ever read."[88]
Personal life and death
Grave marker in Hamburg, NY
Hunt's first wife, Dorothy, was killed in the December 8, 1972, plane crash of United Airlines Flight 553 in Chicago. Congress, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), and the National Transportation Safety Board (NTSB) investigated the crash, and concluded that the crash was an accident caused by crew error.[89] Over $10,000 in cash was found in Dorothy Hunt's handbag in the wreckage.[90]
Hunt later married schoolteacher Laura Martin, with whom he raised two more children, Austin and Hollis. Following his release from prison, he and Laura moved to Guadalajara, Mexico, where they lived for five years. Afterwards they returned to the United States, where they settled in Miami, Florida.[91]
On January 23, 2007, he died of pneumonia in Miami.[1][92] He is buried in Prospect Lawn Cemetery in his hometown of Hamburg, New York.[93]
In the media
A fictionalized account of Hunt's role in the Bay of Pigs operation appears in Norman Mailer's 1991 novel Harlot's Ghost. Hunt was portrayed by Ed Harris in the 1995 biopic Nixon. In the 2019 film The Irishman, Hunt is portrayed by stage actor Daniel Jenkins. In the 2022 series Gaslit, Hunt is portrayed by J. C. MacKenzie.[94] Canadian journalist David Giammarco interviewed Hunt for the December 2000 issue of Cigar Aficionado magazine.[95] Hunt later wrote the foreword to Giammarco's book For Your Eyes Only: Behind the Scenes of the James Bond Films (ECW Press, 2002).
An episode of The X-Files, entitled Musings of a Cigarette Smoking Man, depicted the shadowy intelligence operative played by William B. Davis as an unsuccessful author of mystery/suspense fiction in his spare time. When meeting Lee Harvey Oswald, prior to the JFK assassination, he goes by the alias 'Mr. Hunt.'[96]
In the 2023 HBO miniseries White House Plumbers, Hunt is played by Woody Harrelson.[97]
Books
Nonfiction
Give Us This Day: The Inside Story of the CIA and the Bay of Pigs Invasion, by One of Its Key Organizers. New Rochelle: Arlington House (1973).
Undercover: Memoirs of an American Secret Agent (1974). New York: Berkeley Publishing Corporation.
American Spy: My Secret History in the CIA, Watergate, and Beyond (2007), with Greg Aunapu. Foreword by William F. Buckley, Jr. Hoboken, N.J.: John Wiley & Sons.
Book contributions
Foreword to For Your Eyes Only: Behind the Scenes of the James Bond Films, by David Giammarco (2002)
Novels as Howard Hunt or E. Howard Hunt
East of Farewell (1942)
Limit of Darkness (1944)
Stranger in Town (1947)
Calculated Risk: A Play (as Howard Hunt) (1948)
Maelstrom (as Howard Hunt). (1948)
Bimini Run (1949)
The Violent Ones (1950)
The Berlin Ending: A Novel of Discovery (1973)
Hargrave Deception / E. Howard Hunt (1980)
Gaza Intercept / E. Howard Hunt (1981)
Cozumel / E. Howard Hunt (1985)
Kremlin Conspiracy / E. Howard Hunt (1985)
Guadalajara / E. Howard Hunt (1990)
Murder in State / E. Howard Hunt (1990)
Body Count / E. Howard Hunt (1992)
Chinese Red / by E. Howard Hunt (1992)
Mazatlán / E. Howard Hunt (1993) (lists former pseudonym P. S. Donoghue on cover)
Ixtapa / E. Howard Hunt (1994)
Islamorada / E. Howard Hunt (1995)
Paris Edge / E. Howard Hunt (1995)
Izmir / E. Howard Hunt (1996)
Dragon Teeth: A Novel / by E. Howard Hunt (1997)
Guilty Knowledge / E. Howard Hunt (1999)
Sonora / E. Howard Hunt (2000)
As Robert Dietrich
Cheat (1954)
One for the Road (1954)
Be My Victim (1956)
Murder on the rocks: an original novel (1957)
House on Q Street (1959)
Murder on Her Mind (1960)
End of a Stripper (1960)
Mistress to Murder (1960)
Calypso Caper (1961)
Angel Eyes (1961)
Curtains for a Lover (1962)
My Body (1962)
As P. S. Donoghue
Dublin Affair (1988)
Sarkov Confession: a novel (1989)
Evil Time (1992)
As David St. John
Festival for Spies
The Towers of Silence
Return from Vorkuta (1965)
The Venus Probe (1966)
On Hazardous Duty (1966)
One of Our Agents is Missing (1967)
Mongol Mask (1968)
Sorcerers (1969)
Diabolus (1971)
Coven (1972)
As Gordon Davis
I Came to Kill (1953)
House Dick (1961)
Counterfeit Kill (1963)
Ring Around Rosy (1964)
Where Murder Waits (1965)
As John Baxter
A Foreign Affair. New York: Avon (1954)
Unfaithful. New York: Avon (1955)
Notes
Szulc wrote: "As I mentioned above, Hunt spent August and September 1963 in Mexico City in charge of the CIA station there."[56]
Weberman and Canfield wrote: "According to former Times reporter Tad Szulc, Howard Hunt just happened to be CIA station chief in Mexico City in August–September 1963."
See also
Biography portal
G. Gordon Liddy
James W. McCord
All the President's Men by Carl Bernstein and Bob Woodward
References
Weiner, Tim (January 24, 2007). "E. Howard Hunt, Agent Who Organized Botched Watergate Break-In, Dies at 88". New York Times. Retrieved July 7, 2015.
"Hamburg Senior Class is Large". Buffalo Evening News. No. 21. June 9, 1936.
Szulc, Compulsive Spy, p. 56.
Hedegaard, Erik (April 5, 2007). "The Last Confessions of E. Howard Hunt". Rolling Stone. Archived from the original on June 18, 2008.
"E.Howard Hunt: used books, rare books and new books @ BookFinder.com". www.bookfinder.com.
Thomas Vinciguerra (28 January 2007). "You Can Teach a Spy a Novelist's Tricks". The New York Times. Retrieved 15 June 2020.
James Rosen (2007-02-06). "Howard Hunt's Final Mission". POLITICO. Retrieved 15 June 2020.
Letter from Westmore Willcox, Chief of Special Mission, to W. Averell Harriman (November 19, 1949).
Prados, John (2006). Safe For Democracy: The Secret Wars of the CIA, p. xxii.
David Talbot (22 November 2015). "Inside the Plot to Kill JFK: The Secret Story of the CIA and what Really Happened in Dallas". Salon. Retrieved 15 June 2020.
Hendershot, Heather. "Firing Line and the Black Revolution." The Moving Image: The Journal of the Association of Moving Image Archivists, vol. 14, no. 2 (Fall 2014), p. 25. JSTOR 10.5749/movingimage.14.2.0001. "Even as Nixon was trying to wipe out Firing Line with the other public affairs programs, he suggested, at the height of the Watergate scandal, that the administration could get Buckley to write a positive newspaper column about Howard Hunt, under whom Buckley had served in the CIA."
William F. Buckley Jr. (January 26, 2007), "Howard Hunt, RIP." Archived 2007-09-27 at the Wayback Machine. Buckley describes their early friendship in Mexico in his introduction to Hunt's posthumously-published memoir, American Spy.
Weiner, Tim (January 24, 2007). "E. Howard Hunt, Agent Who Organized Botched Watergate Break-In, Dies at 88". The New York Times.
State Violence and Genocide in Latin America: The Cold War Years. Routledge. p. 121.
Tad Szulc, Compulsive Spy: The Strange Career of E. Howard Hunt (New York: Viking, 1974), 78.
Rosenberg, Carol (June 28, 2001). Plotter of Bay of Pigs, Watergate conspirator: 'File and forget' Castro. Miami Herald
Szulc, Compulsive Spy, 95
HSCA Deposition (November 3, 1978), Part II, p. 6:10–17
Seymour M. Hersh, "Hunt Tells of Early Work For a CIA Domestic Unit," The New York Times (December 31, 1974), p. 1, col. 6.
Archived document
E. Howard Hunt; Greg Aunapu (26 February 2007). American Spy: My Secret History in the CIA, Watergate and Beyond. John Wiley & Sons. p. 157. ISBN 978-0-471-78982-6.
Hunt, Give Us This Day, 13–14
"Archived copy" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2017-10-16. Retrieved 2017-10-15.
The Ends of Power, by H. R. Haldeman with Joseph DiMona, 1978
CIA document. Memorandum
"ARRB REQUEST: CIA-IR-06, QKENCHANT". Central Intelligence Agency. 1996-05-14. p. 3. Archived from the original (gif) on 2012-03-08. Retrieved 2010-06-11.
Szulc, Compulsive Spy, 128
Szulc, Compulsive Spy, 127
Szulc, Compulsive Spy, 130
Szulc, Compulsive Spy, 131
Marjorie Hunter, "Colson Confirms Backing Kennedy Inquiry but Denies Knowing of Hunt's CIA Aid," New York Times (June 30, 1973), p. 15. | NYT archives
Szulc, Compulsive Spy, 134–135.
David E. Rosenbaum, "Hunt Says He Fabricated Cables on Diem to Link Kennedy to Killing of a Catholic; Testifies Colson Sought To Alienate Democrats," New York Times (September 25, 1973), p. 28.
Feldstein, Mark (July 28, 2004). "The Last Muckraker". The Washington Post. Retrieved September 3, 2020.
Mark Feldstein, "Getting the Scoop" Archived December 4, 2010, at the Wayback Machine,
Molotsky, Irvin (December 7, 1992). Article Says Nixon Schemed to Tie Foe to Wallace Attack. "[T]he agent picked for the mission was E. Howard Hunt." The New York Times
Reynolds, Tim. "Watergate Figure E. Howard Hunt Dies." Associated Press. January 23, 2007.
Blind Ambition, by John Dean, New York, 1976, Simon & Schuster
All the President's Men, by Carl Bernstein and Bob Woodward, New York, 1974, Simon & Schuster
"E. Howard Hunt Released After Serving 32 Months". The New York Times. February 24, 1977. Retrieved 4 September 2020.
Braxton, Sheila, "Hunt Arrives at Eglin – 'Equal Treatment' Is All He Asks", Playground Daily News, Fort Walton Beach, Florida, Sunday 27 April 1975, Volume 30, Number 68, page 1A.
Charles W. Colson (1 September 2008) [1976]. Born Again. Chosen Books. p. 247. ISBN 978-1-58558-941-8.
Mabe, Chauncey (April 12, 1992). "Plumber Sailor, Author Spy". Sun-Sentinel. Fort Lauderdale, Florida. Retrieved August 16, 2014.
Bugliosi, Vincent (2007). Reclaiming History: The Assassination of President John F. Kennedy. New York: W. W. Norton & Company. p. 930. ISBN 978-0-393-04525-3.
Bugliosi 2007, p. 930.
Bugliosi 2007, p. 931.
Weberman, Alan J; Canfield, Michael (1992) [1975]. Coup D'Etat in America: The CIA and the Assassination of John F. Kennedy (Revised ed.). San Francisco: Quick American Archives. p. 7. ISBN 9780932551108.
"Chapter 19: Allegations Concerning the Assassination of President Kennedy". Report to the President by Commission on CIA Activities in the United States. Washington, D.C.: United States Government Printing Office. June 1975. p. 251.
Report to the President by Commission on CIA Activities in the United States, Chapter 19 1975, p. 256.
Report to the President by Commission on CIA Activities in the United States, Chapter 19 1975, p. 257.
"I.B. Scientific acoustical evidence establishes a high probability that two gunmen fired at President John F. Kennedy. Other scientific evidence does not preclude the possibility of two gunmen firing at the President. Scientific evidence negates some specific conspiracy allegations". Report of the Select Committee on Assassinations of the U.S. House of Representatives. Washington, D.C.: United States Government Printing Office. 1979. pp. 91–92.
Bugliosi 2007, p. 933.
Cheshire, Maxine (October 7, 1973). "New Book Places Hunt In Second Bay Of Pigs Plot". The Blade. Toledo, Ohio. p. C3. Retrieved April 12, 2015.
Seaberry, Jane (September 6, 1978). "Hunt Sues to Obtain Data Linking Him to Assassination" (PDF). The Washington Post. Washington, D.C. p. A6. Retrieved April 13, 2015.
"Source Ruling Goes Against Hunt". Pittsburgh Post-Gazette. Vol. 52, no. 83. Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. AP. November 4, 1978. p. 10. Retrieved April 13, 2015.
Szulc, Tad (1974). Compulsive Spy: The Strange Career of E. Howard Hunt. Viking Press. p. 99. ISBN 9780670235469.
Report to the President by Commission on CIA Activities in the United States, Chapter 19 1975, pp. 267–269.
Report to the President by Commission on CIA Activities in the United States, Chapter 19 1975, pp. 269.
"Hunt files libel suit over death charges". The Miami News. Miami. AP. July 29, 1976. p. 4A. Retrieved August 16, 2014.
"Assassination Archive and Research Center". ASSASSINATION ARCHIVES.
Victor Marchetti, "CIA to Admit Hunt Involvement in Kennedy Slaying," The Spotlight (August 14, 1978)
Trento, Joe; Powers, Jacquie (August 28, 1978). "Was Howard Hunt in Dallas the Day JFK Died?" (PDF). Sunday News Journal. Vol. 4, no. 34. p. A-1.
Knuth, Magen. "E. Howard Hunt and Frank Sturgis: Were Watergate Conspirators Also JFK Assassins?". Retrieved May 6, 2015.
Hunt v. Marchetti, 824 F.2d 916 (11th Cir. 1987). "In arguing that the stipulation should be binding on retrial, Hunt attempts to characterize the statements of the Liberty Lobby attorney as stipulating to the fact that Hunt was not in Dallas on the day of the Kennedy assassination. The statements, however, are more accurately viewed as a stipulation that the question of Hunt's alleged involvement in the assassination would not be contested at trial. They thus served merely to narrow the factual issues in dispute." Id. at 917–18 (citations omitted).
Hunt v. Liberty Lobby, 720 F.2d 631 (11th Cir. 1983). "Libel Award for Howard Hunt overturned by appeals court," New York Times (December 4, 1983).
Hunt v. Marchetti, 824 F.2d 916 (11th Cir. 1987). "Hunt was aware throughout discovery prior to the retrial that Liberty Lobby intended to make Hunt's location on the day of the Kennedy assassination an issue on retrial." Id. at 928.
Hunt v. Marchetti, 824 F.2d 916 (11th Cir. 1987). "The jury on retrial rendered a verdict for Liberty Lobby. We affirm." Id. at 918.
John McAdams, "Implausible Assertions"
Isaacs, Jeremy (1997). Cold War: Howard Hunt interview excerpts Archived November 6, 2007, at the Wayback Machine and full transcript. CNN
Andrew, Christopher; Mitrokhin, Vasili (2001) [1999]. "Fourteen: Political Warfare (Active Measures and the Main Political Adversary)". The Sword and the Shield: The Mitrokhin Archive and the Secret History of the KGB. New York: Basic Books. pp. 225–230. ISBN 978-0-465-00312-9.
Trahair, Richard C. S.; Miller, Robert L. (2009) [2004]. Encyclopedia of Cold War Espionage, Spies, and Secret Operations (First paperback / Revised ed.). New York: Enigma Books. pp. 188–190. ISBN 978-1-929631-75-9.
"Thornley's personal file in the Weisberg documents" (PDF). Archived (PDF) from the original on 2011-08-12.
"Kerry Thornley's Memoir As Rendered by Sondra London. Martin Luther King". Archived from the original on 2013-09-23.
"Kerry Thornley's Memoir As Rendered by Sondra London. Watergate". Archived from the original on 2013-09-23.
Williams, Carol J. (March 20, 2007). "Watergate plotter may have a last tale". Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles. Retrieved December 30, 2012.
McAdams, John (2011). "Too Much Evidence of Conspiracy". JFK Assassination Logic: How to Think About Claims of Conspiracy. Washington, D.C.: Potomac Books. p. 189. ISBN 9781597974899. Retrieved December 30, 2012.
Minzesheimer, Bob (June 1, 2005). "'Deep Throat': Source of additional books?". USA Today. Retrieved January 5, 2013.
Reed, Christopher (January 25, 2007). E Howard Hunt obituary. The Guardian
Buckley Jr., William F. (January 26, 2007). "Howard Hunt, R.I.P." National Review. New York. Universal Press Syndicate. Archived from the original on July 22, 2012. Retrieved January 5, 2013.
Publishers Weekly (February 5, 2007). "American Spy: My Secret History in the CIA, Watergate and Beyond". publishersweekly.com. Publishers Weekly. Retrieved January 5, 2013.
Rutten, Tim (February 28, 2007). "Book Review: Hunt, ever a true believer – in himself". Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles. Retrieved January 5, 2013.
Weiner, Tim (May 13, 2007). "Watergate Warrior". The New York Times. New York. Retrieved January 5, 2013.
Goulden, Joseph C. (April 7, 2007). "E. Howard Hunt's 'memoir' and its glitches". The Washington Times. Washington, D.C. Retrieved January 5, 2013.
Schorr, Daniel (February 16, 2007). "Remembering Watergate's field commander". The Christian Science Monitor. Retrieved January 5, 2013.
Rosen, James (February 6, 2007). "Howard Hunt's Final Mission". politico.com. Politico. Retrieved January 5, 2013.
Lythgoe, Dennis (March 11, 2007). "Book review: CIA spy tells his side of the Watergate story". Deseret News. Salt Lake City. Retrieved January 5, 2013.
Riebling, Mark (April 30, 2007). "His Long War" (PDF). National Review. p. 46. Retrieved January 5, 2013.
Nolan, Martin (May 6, 2007). "Secret service How the machinations of two unlikely allies defined – and deformed – an era". The Boston Globe. Boston. Retrieved January 5, 2013.
NTSB report Archived June 20, 2007, at the Wayback Machine
"CNN.com - Transcripts". transcripts.cnn.com.
Hunt, E. Howard (2007). American Spy – My Secret History in the CIA, Watergate & Beyond. John Wiley & Sons, Inc. p. 320. ISBN 978-0-471-78982-6.
Cornwell, Rupert (January 25, 2007). E. Howard Hunt obituary. Archived 2007-05-24 at the Wayback Machine The Independent
Prospect Lawn Cemetery. "History Of Prospect Lawn Cemetery". Hamburg, New York: Prospect Lawn Cemetery. Retrieved January 2, 2013.
Schriesheim, Rebecca (26 April 2022). "'Gaslit' Cast and Character Guide: Who's Playing Who in the Starz Thriller Series?". Collider. Valnet, Inc.
Cigar Aficionado Archived 2006-09-02 at the Wayback Machine, November/December 2000
"Musings of a Cigarette Smoking Man".
"Woody Harrelson, Justin Theroux in Watergate Show White House Plumbers". The Hollywood Reporter. 9 December 2022.
Bibliography
Szulc, Tad (1973). Compulsive Spy: The Strange Career of E. Howard Hunt. New York: Viking Press. ISBN 978-0670235469.
Further reading
Staff writer (May 20, 1974). "The Spy Whom Nixon Feared." People Weekly.
External links
E. Howard Hunt at IMDb
E. Howard Hunt collection in the Harold Weisberg Archive at Internet Archive
Everette Hunt records at FBI Records: The Vault
Interview with Slate
"Howard Hunt's Final Mission." Review of American Spy by James Rosen in The Politico (February 7, 2007)
"The Art and Arts of E. Howard Hunt." 1973 review by Gore Vidal in The New York Review of Books
"Literary Agent." Review essay by Rachel Donadio in the New York Times Sunday Book Review (February 18, 2007)
Obituary and bibliography of Hunt's novels
Deposition for the House Select Committee on Assassinations (1978). Released in 1996.
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